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Justice Department Announces FCPA Charges Against Two Individuals for Bribery of Marshall Islands Officials

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The Justice Department announced the indictment in New York of Cary Yan, a Chinese entrepreneur, and Gina Zhou, his assistant, on FCPA and money laundering charges relating to a scheme to secure control of an atoll owned by the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI).  Yan and Zhou paid bribes to elected officials in the RMI in exchange for passing specific legislation.  Yan and Zhou were extradited from Thailand and are scheduled to appear in U.S. District Court sometime this week.

Between 2016 and 2020, Yan and Zhou engaged in a bribery scheme designed to corrupt the legislative process in the RMI. Yan and Zhou were president and assistant in a U.S.-based non-governmental organization based in New York City.

The RMI is located in the central Pacific Ocean and consists of 29 separate atolls, or island chains.  Since 1979, the RMI has been an  independent nation governed principally by a legislature.  The lower house of the RMI legislature is democratically elected, can enact legislation and elects the president of the RMI.  The president can be replaced by a vote of no-confidence.

Yan and Zhou paid tens of thousands of dollars in bribes to elected Marshall Island government officials, including members of the legislature, in exchange for their support of legislation to create a semi-autonomous region in the Marshall Islands called the Rongelap Atoll Special Administrative Region (RASAR) that would benefit the business interests of the defendants and their associates.

Yan and Zhou represented themselves as part of the New York NGO.  Yan planned to use the RASAR to attract investors and businesses that he would operate through the U.S.-based NGO.

Initially, Yan and Zhou paid for RMI government officials to travel to and visit New York City to conduct meetings about the RASAR proposal.  Yan and Zhou created a business with one RMI official to participate in the RASAR zone once approved.

Subsequently, Yan and Zhou conducted a conference on the project in Hong Kong with RMI government officials.  The original RMI official and two others with authority to vote on the legislation attended the conference.  Yan and Zhou paid for all of the government officials’ travel expenses, lodgings and entertainment.

The RASAR legislation was introduced in the legislature by one of the government officials who attended the conference.

Yan’s bribery scheme involved multiple Marshall Islands government officials. One bribe was rejected by a Marshall Island government official.  But other government officials accepted cash payments and favorable “loans” to support and/or sponsor the RASAR legislation.

One of the corrupt legislators who had accepted bribes was at the center of a political conflict with a former president of the Marshall Islands who opposed the RASAR legislation.  This official committed publicly to seek revenge against the president, Hilda Cathy Heine, who opposed the legislation.  The political controversy surrounding the RASAR proposal was significant and inflamed by Yan’s commitment to the proposal and his bribery efforts to enact the legislation.

Hein left office in 2020 and was replaced by David Kabua, who supported the RASAR proposal.  The legislature passed the RASAR resolution in March 2020.

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The Ins and Outs of the Ghana Bribery Scheme (Part II of II)

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This is a very complicated case, Maude. You know, a lotta ins, a lotta outs, a lotta what-have-yous. And, uh, a lotta strands to keep in my head, man. Lotta strands in old Duder’s head. – The Dude, The Big Lebowski

Each FCPA case provides valuable lessons in the mechanics of bribery schemes and the common techniques used by violators to secure funds and make illegal payments to foreign government officials.  Criminal violators often act with brazen disregard of the laws in some misguided belief (or rationalization) that they will not be discovered nor even investigated for their obvious graft.  This delusion undergirds the actions of white collar criminals and often prevents any hope for self-regulation or even deterrence from engaging in misconduct where white collar criminals directly benefit from their misdeeds.

In the Berko case, the facts outlined in the indictment present yet another example of this total disregard for normative behavior. 

The Scheme

After arranging meetings in 2014 between the Turkish energy company and Ghanian government officials, Berko and his co-conspirators, set out to secure the contract between the Turkish the parties to construct and operate a power plant in Ghana. After the parties reached an agreement in 2015, a co-conspirator emailed the defendant an invoice for $500,000 from a Ghana consulting company with payment instructions that routed the payment through a US bank in New York to a Ghanian bank.  In the email, the co-conspirator referenced three future invoices of $1.5 million to be paid at upcoming milestones in the power project (e.g. signing of the EPA, the finalization of the letter of credit and the start of operations of the power plant).

Berko and the co-conspirators discussed the issues in a series of emails. Co-Conspirator 1 wrote:

[k]indly arrange for the first 500k$ to be in Ghana this week. I’d advise you to send the same as directed to the relevant bank account.  The intended recipient is on my case.  Please make arrangements to have the $ 1.5m also here in Ghana no later than end of this week or early part of the following.  I am going to part with 250k$ to [Ghana Official 1] on the basis that I will receive the same in due course. This will represent part payment to [Ghana Official 1] as discussed.

On or about April 24, 2015, with the assistance of Ghana Official 1, a team of approximately five Ghana officials traveled to Turkey to inspect the equipment Turkish energy company proposed to use in the Power Plant.  Berko and Co-Conspirator 1 paid the trip expenses for the five Ghana officials (including for flights and hotel rooms) and also paid each of them a $5,000 bribe. Following the trip, the Ghana officials sent Ghana Official 1 a favorable assessment of the equipment.

A senior Ghana Official signed the EPA on May 12, 2015. On the same date, Co-Conspirator 4 emailed Co-Conspirator 1 an invoice for $1.5 million from Ghana Consulting Company 2 that he referred to as “invoice 2” (“Invoice 2”) and requested payment.  Ten days later, May 22, 2015, $1.5 million was wired from the Turkish energy company to the Ghana Consulting Company 2 account through correspondent bank accounts in New York. 

On June 11, 2015, the Ghana Consulting Company wired $75,000 to Berko’s account in Ghana. Berko thereafter transferred approximately $50,000 from this account to an account he had in the United States. 

Later in 2015, the final contract was executed after meetings in London, and the parties agreed to pay Ghana Consulting Company 1 $42 million in milestone and periodic payments. The final contract was executed by Turkish energy company and Ghana Consulting Company 1 in September 2015.

On August 17, 2015, Co-Conspirator 1 forwarded an email to Co-Conspirator 2 requesting payment of $250,000 in reimbursement for bribes previously paid to Ghanaian officials.  Pursuant to Berko’s instruction, Co-Conspirator 1 provided in an email a breakdown of the bribery payments: Visas $5000; Pure $20,000; Ghanian Official $10,000; Ministry of Power $20,000; Power Team $25,000; Gridco $20,000; Travel to Turkey $45,000; Parliament $30,000; and  Asante personal $35,000. The parties then emailed each other negotiating the payments and amounts. After further discussions in explicit emails, Co-Conspirator 2 agreed to settle the dispute by paying Berko approximately $140,000.  A payment was made from Turkish energy company to Berko’s personal account.

The Scheme Unravels

Starting in June 2015. Goldman Sachs officials began to question Turkish energy company about the payments to Ghana consulting company that appeared in their financial analysis. Co-Conspirator 3 explained that the consulting company was Turkish energy company’s local partner.

Thereafter, Goldman Sachs conducted a due diligence review of the transaction and various email accounts and communications, including personal accounts used by Berko and others for incriminating conversations.

Even after Goldman Sachs launched this review, the Turkish energy company wired $194k funds to Berko’s personal account in Ghana. In response to specific inquiries by Goldman Sachs’ compliance personnel as a due diligence follow up, two co-conspirators responded with a false explanation that the consulting company provided “local services,” such as securing visas and car rentals.   The co-conspirators stated the consulting company had received $300,000 for its services and expected an additional $200,000 to $300,000 later in 2016.  When asked for additional information about this, Co-Conspirator 2 responded in an email, “Sorry[.] We don’t have time for this …”

Goldman Sachs withdrew from the energy project in Ghana.  Berko resigned from Goldman Sachs in early 2017.

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Goldman Sachs Official Indicted Over Ghana Bribery Scheme (Part I of II)

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Talk about a reminder of the past, Asante Berko, a former Executive Director in Goldman Sachs, recently was arrested in London on criminal FCPA charges arising from his involvement in a bribery scheme in Ghana.

The surprising part of the case was the delay in his arrest – over 2 years. 

In 2020, Berko was charged by the SEC for FCPA violations.  He settled the case with the SEC in 2021 by agreeing to pay $329,000 to the government.  Berko’s settlement did not include a specific acknowledgement of the truth of the allegations against him.

Unfortunately for Berko, he did not know that in August 2020 a criminal indictment was filed under seal in Brooklyn New York, shortly after the filing of the SEC case. 

Two years after the filing of the SEC case, in November 2022, when Berko arrived in London at Heathrow Airport, he was arrested on the criminal indictment, and his indictment was unsealed. 

Berko was charged in a six-count indictment with conspiring with two Ghanian officials and four other individuals to benefit Goldman Sachs, himself and a Turkish energy company to build a power plant in Ghana.

Berko was a member of the Goldman Sachs team responsible for arranging financing for the power plant project.  He orchestrated the payment of bribes to secure the necessary approvals for the Turkish company.  Goldman had a 16 percent ownership stake in the project.

Berko was a vice president in Goldman Sachs’s natural resources group before he resigned in December 2016.  He then joined Ghana’s state-owned oil company, Tema Oil Refinery but resigned that position after the SEC enforcement action.

As outlined in the indictment, between 2014 and 2017, Berko orchestrated the bribery scheme to secure the electrical power contract for the Turkish energy company from the Ghana government.  Specifically, the Turkish energy company needed to secure a power purchase agreement (“PPA”) or emergency power agreement (“EPA”) with the Republic of Ghana.  To secure an EPA, certain Ghanian officials and entities, including a senior Ghanian official, as well as the executive, cabinet and parliament, had to approve the EPA. It also required the approval of the Ghana Grid Company and the public Utilities Commission.

Berko and his co-conspirators arranged to pay bribes to relevant Ghanian officials and sought reimbursement from the Turkish energy company.  To secure such reimbursement, Berko and his co-conspirators submitted false invoices for “consulting services” allegedly provided by a Ghana consulting company, which were then paid by the Turkish energy company.  The specific consulting payments were made from a Turkish bank but were routed through correspondent banks in the United States.

Once the EPA was secured, Berko and his co-conspirators planned to arrange for continuing payments from the Turkish energy company through a services contract between the Ghana consulting company.

In total, Berko and others paid more than $700,000 in bribes to pay several Ghanian officials, including government officials in the parliament, the public utilities commission and the Grid Company.

Goldman Sachs was expected to arrange $190 million in loans and provide a $75 million letter of credit.  If executed, Goldman Sachs anticipated earning over $11 million in total fees from the project, while retaining a 16 percent ownership interest in the power plant project. 

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Bribery in the Pharmaceutical Industry – Avanir Pharma

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We always focus on foreign bribery — the FCPA and corporate bribery of foreign officials.  It is certainly a problem that undermines economic development and human rights.

However, bribery and corruption is real and significant in the United States, from local to state to federal government officials, the news is filled with instances of bribery and corruption.  Wherever there is money flowing, there is sure to be fraud and corruption.  Even outside government institutions, various industries suffer from bribery and corruption — particularly the drug industry and their interactions and relationships with physicians.

A drug company (like medical device companies) can sink or swim depending on the support they get from physicians — whether the doctors will write prescriptions for their patients.  As a result, here is a profound grasp of the obvious — drug companies face high-risk when dealing with doctors. 

In a recent announcement, DOJ announced two resolutions on an ongoing investigation focused on Avanir Pharmaceuticals and its neurological drug, Nuedexta.  Specifically, Dr. Deepak Raheja, a neurologist, and Frank Mazzucco, a company sales representative, pleaded guilty on the eve of their trial to a scheme to bribe doctors to prescribe Nuedexta. Both defendants admitted to a bribery scheme in which Mazzucco arranged to pay bribes to Dr. Raheja and other doctors to write more prescriptions for Nuedexta, even for patients who did not suffer from the condition the drug treated.

Between 2011 and 2016, Avanir paid Raheja around $331,000 in bribes in exchange for 10,088 prescriptions of Nuedexta (the highest in the United States).  In addition to paying Raheja, Mazzucco arranged with an employee to incentivize other physicians to increase the number of prescriptions.

Nuedexta is used to treat pseudobular, a condition that causes involuntary and frequent crying and laughing fits, and is often associated with patients who suffer strokes.

As part of the plea deals, Raheja agreed to serve 2.5 years in prison, surrender his license and pay a fine up to $300,000 and $1.18 million in restitution. Mazzucco agreed to serve between 15 to 21 months and payment of $488,000 in restitution.

These last two deals, however, is the end of a long and tortured prosecution of corruption that permeated Avanir’s Nuedexta over the last three years.

Starting with the company itself, Avanir admitted liability for its bribery scheme and paid a $13 million fine and $96 million in False Claims Act penalties.  Avanir illegally pushed its bribery scheme by using physician speaker programs to recruit physicians to promote the drug.

Raheja joined the speaker’s bureau in 2011 and gave 211 presentations during a five-year period.  He was paid $1500 for each presentation.

In 2019, two sales representatives, Gregory Hayslette and Dr. Bhupinder Sawhny, plead guilty after being charged in the same indictment with Mazzucco and Raheja. In addition, Raheja falsely diagnosed patients with the condition and documented false symptoms in patient records to support such a false diagnosis.

Mazzucco helped to arrange the speaker bureau program, many of which had little to no educational value or purpose.  Each program included an expensive dinner for attendees.

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