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Former President Of Law Enforcement Union Edward Mullins Charged With Defrauding Union And Its Members | USAO-SDNY



Damian Williams, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, and Michael J. Driscoll, the Assistant Director-in-Charge of the New York Office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), and Keechant Sewell, Commissioner of the New York City Police Department (“NYPD”), announced today that EDWARD D. MULLINS, the former President of the Sergeants Benevolent Association (“SBA”), the union that represents all current and former Sergeants of the New York City Police Department, was charged with one count of wire fraud in connection with a scheme to steal hundreds of thousands of dollars from the SBA, through the submission of fraudulent expense reports.  MULLINS surrendered to the FBI in Manhattan this morning, and was presented before U.S. Magistrate Judge Gabriel W. Gorenstein.  The case has been assigned to United States District Judge John G. Koeltl. 

U.S. Attorney Damian Williams said: “As alleged, Edward Mullins, the former President of the SBA, abused his position of trust and authority to fund a lavish lifestyle that was paid for by the monthly dues of the thousands of hard-working Sergeants of the NYPD.  Mullins submitted hundreds of phony expense reports to further his scheme, stealing hundreds of thousands of dollars from the SBA.  This Office is committed to rooting out corruption at all levels of government, and that includes public officials like Mullins who use their positions of power to line their own pockets to the detriment of others.”

FBI New York Assistant Director-in-Charge Michael J. Driscoll said: “As public servants, members of the SBA pay dues to a union that’s supposed to represent their best interests. As SBA president, Mullins allegedly went above and beyond to best serve his own interests. Our NYPD sergeants expect and deserve more from their union leadership than they received. Today, thanks to the joint efforts of those on the FBI/NYPD Public Corruption Task Force, we’re righting that wrong.”

NYPD Commissioner Keechant L. Sewell said: “Ed Mullins allegedly violated the ethics and rules of this department, the trust of 13,000 Sergeants, active and retired whom he represented, and the laws of the United States. The NYPD’s Internal Affairs Bureau, has detectives assigned to the FBI’s Public Corruption Unit and works as a team with agents on matters involving the NYPD.”

According to the allegations in the Information[1] filed today in Manhattan federal court:


For nearly two decades, from in or about 2002 until in or about October 2021, EDWARD D. MULLINS served as President of the SBA, which is the union that represents all current and former Sergeants of the NYPD.  As President, MULLINS was responsible for promoting the general welfare of the SBA’s membership.  Instead, MULLINS orchestrated a scheme to steal hundreds of thousands of dollars from the SBA and its members.

Between in or around 2017 and in or around October 2021, MULLINS defrauded the SBA by using his personal credit card to pay for meals at high-end restaurants and to purchase luxury personal items, among other things, and then submitting false and inflated expense reports to the SBA, seeking reimbursement for those bills as legitimate SBA expenditures when in fact they were not.  Altogether, MULLINS was reimbursed for over $1 million dollars in expenses from the SBA, the majority of which was fraudulently obtained.


The SBA is the fifth-largest police union in the United States with its headquarters located in lower Manhattan.  The SBA’s membership consists of all active and retired sergeants of the NYPD, with approximately 13,000 members as of October 2021.  All members are required to pay dues to the SBA.  For active members, dues are deducted bi-weekly from their paychecks, totaling approximately $1,300 annually for each member.  For retired members, dues are required to be paid in a one-time payment of $600 within ninety days of retirement.

The SBA has a Contingent Fund, which is used to pay for the SBA’s “regular, fiscal, and miscellaneous expenses necessary for the transaction of the [SBA’s] business.”  The Contingent Fund is funded primarily through member dues.  Ninety cents of each dollar of member dues are deposited into the Contingent Fund, where they are supposed to be used for the benefit of the SBA and its members.  The President of the SBA is authorized to use the Contingent Fund to “defray miscellaneous expenses incurred in the performance of duties, e.g., travel, lodgings, meals, et cetera.”

The SBA has a written expense reimbursement policy (the “Policy”).  The Policy provides, among other things, that “the SBA will reimburse actual and reasonable meal expenses required to conduct SBA business or fulfill the SBA’s mission.”  In order to be “reimbursable,” expenses “must be closely related to SBA business.”  The Policy further provides that “[r]eceipts are required for any meal,” and that “[r]equests for reimbursement for meals in excess of $50.00 must be accompanied by an attendee list and the subject matter discussed.” 

The SBA is governed by a Board of Officers, consisting of nine officers, including the President, Vice President, and Treasurer, among others, and fourteen directors.  Beginning in or around 2002, MULLINS ran for and was elected President of the SBA for five successive four-year terms.  After the 2014 election, the individual who had been elected Vice President of the SBA assumed responsibility for reviewing and approving the expense reports submitted by SBA officers, including MULLINS.  The Vice President routinely scrutinized expense reimbursement requests and rejected certain expenses if they were too high or were not supported by receipts. 

In or around 2017, the then-Vice President retired as an officer of the SBA.  The Treasurer assumed primary responsibility for reviewing and approving expense reports submitted for reimbursement by SBA officers, including MULLINS.  The Treasurer did not scrutinize the expense reports in the same manner as the prior Vice President had, and, in particular, did not regularly require receipts for MULLINS’s reimbursements in particular.  As set forth below, between 2017 and 2021, the Treasurer approved hundreds of expense reports for MULLINS, totaling more than $1 million dollars.

The Scheme To Defraud the SBA

Beginning in 2017, MULLINS devised a scheme to fund his personal expenses through SBA dollars.  Specifically, MULLINS charged his personal credit card for, among other things, hundreds of high-end meals, clothing, jewelry, home appliances, and a relative’s college tuition.  MULLINS then submitted, typically by email, fraudulent and inflated expense reports to the Treasurer of the SBA, seeking reimbursement for such items purporting to be legitimate SBA expenditures when in fact they were not.  MULLINS rarely included receipts.

The Treasurer processed the expense reports once they were received – almost always without obtaining any receipts – and issued SBA reimbursement checks to MULLINS from the Contingent Fund – i.e., the fund that was made up almost entirely of member dues.  MULLINS then deposited the checks into his bank account or enlisted an individual at the SBA to deposit the checks on MULLINS’s behalf at a bank branch near the SBA’s headquarters in lower Manhattan.  MULLINS then, usually immediately thereafter, paid down his credit card bills with the deposited funds.

As part of this fraudulent scheme, MULLINS made at least three types of misstatements on his expense reports.  First, MULLINS included meals on his expense reports that were not SBA-related.  Second, MULLINS inflated the costs of his meals – whether SBA-related or not.  For example, if the actual cost of a meal was $522.55, MULLINS would seek reimbursement from the SBA for $822.55, and pocket the difference.  At times, MULLINS would even write out these changes on his personal credit card statements that he maintained at his home – i.e., crossing off “522.55” and writing in “822.55”, thereby documenting his false statements.  Third, MULLINS would take personal expenses like supermarket bills and claim them on his expense reports as SBA-related meals for which he also sought reimbursement.  

For example, in November 2019, MULLINS submitted expense reports to the Treasurer for more than $3,000 at a high-end restaurant in Greenwich Village in Manhattan (“Restaurant-1”).  Those charges, however, were not related to any work for the SBA.  Instead, as reflected in text messages that MULLINS exchanged with an employee of Restaurant-1 (the “Employee”), MULLINS was paying, on two separate occasions, for his family members and personal associates to dine at Restaurant-1.  Specifically, MULLINS, purchased two $300 gift cards for Restaurant-1 and then sought reimbursement from the SBA for the gift cards.  Two weeks later, MULLINS texted the Employee to inform the Employee that a relative (“Relative-1”) and Relative-1’s partner “are coming in for dinner tonight” and “I gave [Relative-1] a gift card that I grabbed 2 weeks ago.”  MULLINS sent a similar text message to the Employee the following night when a personal associate (“Associate-1”) was planning to dine at Restaurant-1 and use the other gift card that MULLINS had purchased with SBA funds.

As another example, in October 2020, MULLINS sent a text message to another personal associate (“Associate-2”) asking Associate-2, “Going to place an order at [the Steakhouse] what do u want[?]”  Associate-2 responded by providing MULLINS with a list of several items on the menu.  MULLINS’s October 2020 credit card statement in turn reflected a $744.59 expense at the Steakhouse on the same day.  MULLINS later submitted this fraudulent $744.59 expense, without a receipt, to the Treasurer for reimbursement, claiming the expense as an SBA-related meal when in fact it was not.  

In addition to submitting personal expenses for reimbursement, MULLINS inflated and altered his actual expenses in order to steal more money from the SBA.  MULLINS maintained two copies of his credit card statements in his home office.  The first copy, often labeled with a sticky note bearing the words “Clean Copy,” had no annotations or markings.  The second copy, often labeled with a sticky note bearing the words “Work Copy” or “Work Sheet,” had MULLINS’s handwritten annotations and markings throughout.  In the Work Copy, MULLINS changed the amount and, at times, the type of expense, from a lower amount to a larger amount, or from an item that could not be reimbursed – such as a supermarket bill – to a restaurant name, which would then be reflected in MULLINS’s reimbursement forms submitted to the Treasurer and the SBA.

For example, in April 2021, MULLINS changed a $45.92 charge to an $845.92 charge at a wine bar in New Jersey; a $609.89 charge to a $909.89 charge at the Steakhouse; and a $185.88 charge at a supermarket on Long Island to a $685.88 charge at an Italian restaurant in Manhattan.  MULLINS then submitted those fraudulent expenses, without receipts, to the Treasurer for reimbursement.  Likewise, in August 2021, MULLINS changed a $49.60 charge to a $89.60 charge for a diner on Long Island; a $53.56 charge to a $153.56 charge for a restaurant on Long Island; a $96.16 charge at a supermarket to a $396.16 charge at a restaurant on Long Island; a $152.42 charge to a $352.42 charge at a deli on Long Island; and a $464.00 charge to a $664.00 charge at a pizza place on Long Island.  Once again, MULLINS submitted these fraudulent expenses, without receipts, to the Treasurer, who approved the reimbursements.

Altogether, as a result of the scheme, MULLINS received more than $1 million dollars in expense reimbursements from the SBA, the majority of which was fraudulently obtained.

*                      *                     *

MULLINS, 60, of Port Washington, New York, is charged with one count of wire fraud, which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison.  The maximum potential sentence in this case is prescribed by Congress and is provided here for informational purposes only, as any sentencing of the defendant will be determined by the judge.

Mr. Williams praised the outstanding investigative work of the New York FBI and the FBI/NYPD Public Corruption Task Force. 

This case is being handled by the Office’s Public Corruption Unit.  Assistant United States Attorneys David Robles, Alexandra Rothman, and Andrew Rohrbach are in charge of the prosecution.

The charge contained in the Information is merely an accusation, and the defendant is presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty.


[1] As the introductory phrase signifies, the entirety of the text of the Information, and the description of the Information set forth herein, constitute only allegations, and every fact described should be treated as an allegation.

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Book review of Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America by Maggie Haberman




Maggie Haberman hails from a New York City very different from Donald Trump’s dominion of glitz and criminality, but she knows that dominion well. Raised in the household of a traditional shoe-leather New York Times reporter and a well-connected publicist, and now herself ensconced at the digitized Times, Haberman’s earliest assignments involved covering City Hall and its satellite ethical sinkholes for the New York Post and the Daily News. That singular education in New York corruption has stuck with her and sets her apart from her peers reporting on the Trump presidency and its seditious aftermath. It now distinguishesConfidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America” as a uniquely illuminating portrait of our would-be maximum leader.

With a sharp eye for the backstory, Haberman places special emphasis on Trump’s ascent in a late 1970s and 1980s New York demimonde of hustlers, mobsters, political bosses, compliant prosecutors and tabloid scandalmongers. This bygone Manhattan that Tom Wolfe could only satirize in “The Bonfire of the Vanities” is the fundament to any understanding of what makes Trump tick. “The dynamics that defined New York City in the 1980s,” Haberman observes, “stayed with Trump for decades; he often seemed frozen there.” Zombielike, he swaggers and struts and cons on the world’s largest stage, much as he did when gossip columnists fawned over him as The Donald; and he will continue his night of the living dead, with menacing success, until someone finally drives a metaphorical stake through his metaphorical heart.

The rote rap on Trump is that he was a bumptious, hyper-ambitious real estate developer from Queens who never earned the respect of the Manhattan society pooh-bahs and who vowed to beat them at their own game — a vow that eventually led him to the Oval Office, astonishing even Trump. That storyline appears in “Confidence Man,” but Haberman knows it is superficial.

For one thing, there were countless other outer-borough operators on the make in 1980s New York, one of whom Haberman astutely calls Trump’s “mirror image” despite their obvious differences: the Rev. Al Sharpton of Brooklyn, both men shameless headline grabbers who smeared opponents and basked in newfound glamour; they were slightly clownish intruders who refused, she writes, “to be thrown out of their new ring” by a disdainful city establishment.

Inside that cauldron of fakery, Trump, no rugged individualist, and padded with his father’s millions, gravitated to a specific milieu of arrivistes whom he equated with supreme power, class and ruthlessness. He held in especially high regard the bully George Steinbrenner, from the outer outer borough of Cleveland, and became a constant presence in the Boss’s Yankee Stadium box. (I’d not known until reading Haberman that Trump, a wimp when it came to sacking underlings, found his tag line for “The Apprentice” by impersonating Steinbrenner barking “You’re fired,” over and over, not least at the Yankees’ oft-discharged manager Billy Martin.)

Off to one side there was the raffish schemer Roger Stone, a well-digger’s son from Norwalk, Conn., who got his start as one of the political saboteurs for Richard Nixon’s 1972 reelection campaign, and whose Washington lobbying mega-firm (with Paul Manafort as one of his co-partners) came to represent the Trump Organization’s interests. From the outermost borough of Adelaide, Australia, there was the unscrupulous media mogul Rupert Murdoch, who had already turned the liberal tabloid New York Post into a right-wing scandal sheet and who in 1985 completed the acquisition of 20th Century Fox that would eventually give the world Fox News, commanded by another member of the New York gang, Roger Ailes. There was also the high-profile, media-savvy U.S. Attorney Rudy Giuliani, from Brooklyn like Sharpton, and he and Trump would circle each other until they seriously hooked up some years later.

Trump’s chief mentor, and a consigliere to most of the big shots named above, was the legendary underworld and overworld fixer Roy Cohn. The pampered son of a kingpin in Bronx Democratic politics, long notorious for his McCarthyite Red Scare grandstanding, Cohn, as Haberman details, connected Trump with Stone as well as with organized crime while giving him master classes in high-stakes con-man strategy and tactics. Whenever Trump today intimidates the press with threats of retaliation, whenever he defends his aggressions by claiming to be the victim, whenever he calls his accusers (especially if they represent the federal government) life-destroying, treasonous “scum,” he is channeling his mentor, Cohn.

Haberman offers plenty of material about how these men did it all with virtual impunity. Of course, there would be the occasional fines and sealed judgments — and Cohn was disbarred weeks before he died of AIDS, abandoned by Trump, who knew the score on being heartless. But as Haberman describes, Trump went to great lengths to square himself with a paragon of the city’s power elite, the longtime Manhattan district attorney Robert Morgenthau, including making generous donations to Morgenthau’s pet charity, the New York Police Athletic League, the one charity commitment, Morgenthau would joke warmly, that Trump could be counted on honoring. Not until Cyrus Vance Jr., who had a fine pedigree but was no crusader, succeeded Morgenthau in 2010 did Trump and his properties, after Vance backed off for years, finally face serious investigation by the D.A.’s office — and even then, prosecutors on the case quit in protest when Vance’s successor suddenly seemed to drop it.

“Confidence Man” likewise enlightens about the massive oversights by the press and the broader world of publishing, especially in New York, not simply in failing to expose the corruption that Haberman catalogues but in creating and then abetting Trump’s celebrity. There were certainly exceptional naysaying reporters, notably Jack Newfield’s protege at the Village Voice, Wayne Barrett, who, at Newfield’s urging, dug deep into Trump’s shady dealings. Barrett’s and the Voice’s condemnations sparked a brief aborted federal investigation, but they weren’t about to shake the inertia at the most influential outlets, topped by the New York Times. Neither did the late lamented Spy magazine’s bull’s eye satirical shots at the “short-fingered vulgarian” provoke inquiries, although they did provoke Trump to threaten lawsuits and are said to anger him to this day.

Indeed, the higher- as well as the lower-end media became Trump’s vehicles, sometimes absurdly. Haberman relates, for example, how in 1984 Cohn, the grand wizard of press manipulation, placed a profile story in The Washington Post’s Style section, followed up independently by another piece in a magazine called Manhattan, Inc., that — though skeptical and even arch about Trump — fed impressions that the brash young dealmaker might seriously serve President Ronald Reagan in top-level arms-control negotiations. Much later, in 1997, when Trump had fallen into one of his disastrous business troughs, a New Yorker profile, though as unguarded as any such piece was likely to be, helped advance his latest comeback. More famously, the queens of tabloid gossip, Cindy Adams and Liz Smith, aided by the New York Post’s garish Page Six, rendered Trump an epic figure. Long before “The Apprentice” completed his makeover as America’s fantasy mogul, driving the phony image to the credulous beyond the Hudson, the publishers, editors and scribes of the Manhattan press, forgoing the facts, had crowned him the king of New York.

Some of the episodes in Haberman’s later chapters on Trump’s presidency have already stirred controversy. Beneath the buzz, though, many of the richest storylines from the Trump White House, as reported in “Confidence Man” and elsewhere, have a distinctly New York ring. “Where’s my Roy Cohn?” Trump snapped in 2018, in anger at his attorney general, Jeff Sessions, the very conservative former senator from Alabama, who had recused himself from the Justice Department’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and whom Trump eventually ousted.

Before he was twice impeached, Trump found his man, yet another New York mouthpiece, William Barr, who as attorney general happily did Trump’s bidding in, among other things, lying about the damning Mueller report on the Russian interference — until Trump lost reelection and Barr, well-schooled in transactional loyalty and with his reputation as a supposed “institutionalist” tarnished, declined recruitment into Trump’s coup and at the last minute jumped from the sinking ship. The manic and often antic crimes of Stone, pardoned and unpardoned, add another layer of continuity, a louche link with the old Cohn-centered netherworld.

Haberman’s contribution in “Confidence Man,” though, is much larger than its arresting anecdotes. Later generations of historians will puzzle over Trump’s rise to national power. The best of them will have learned from Haberman’s book that none of it would have been possible but for a social, cultural, political, media and moral breakdown that overtook New York beginning in the 1970s, a fiasco of trusted institutions that, having allowed the Trumpian virus to grow, failed at every step to contain its spread, then profited from, aided and even cheered its devastation.

“It’s up to you, New York, New York,” runs the song that became a city anthem in these years, and so it truly was up to sophisticated, cosmopolitan New York with respect to checking Trump. But New York blew it on every level — and alas, even with “Confidence Man” in hand as a guidebook to that failure, it may be too late to start spreadin’ the news, with American democracy now at stake.

Sean Wilentz, a professor of history at Princeton, is the author, most recently, of “No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at the Nation’s Founding.”

The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America

Penguin Press. 597 pp. $32

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Denver Film Festival’s 2022 schedule includes ‘The Holly,’ ‘Armageddon Time’ and more




Tickets for the 45th annual film fest go on sale to members on October 3 and to the general public on October 7.

"The Holly" will screen at the 2022 Denver Film Festival.

The Denver Film Festival returns this November for its 45th annual installment.

The 2023 lineup will feature 200-plus films , including “The Holly” — investigative reporter Julian Rubinstein’s documentary about former Blood, turned-anti-gang activist, turned mayoral candidate Terrance Roberts and police corruption in the city’s gang wars.

“We could not be more excited to bring this year’s diverse, global film lineup to our Denver-area audiences,” Denver Film Festival Artistic Director Matthew Campbell said in a statement. “We’re thrilled to have so many incredible films from across the world and to present the latest works by so many acclaimed directors. These wide-reaching creations and performances go well beyond entertaining and often deliver experiences for our guests as they generate conversations, debate and growth around serious topics that touch on the lives of so many in our community and beyond.”

The festival runs November 2-13 and will take place at the Sie FilmCenter, the Ellie Caulkins Opera House, the Denver Botanic Gardens, the AMC 9 + CO 10 and the Tattered Cover on East Colfax.

The annual event will feature a mix of international and local movies of all genres and lengths.

Opening night, at the Ellie Caulkins Opera House, will feature “Armageddon Time,” a semi-autobiographical account of director James Gray’s New York Childhood, with Anne Hathaway, Jeremy Strong and Anthony Hopkins.

"Armageddon Time" will open the 2022 Denver Film Festival.
Courtesy Denver Film Festival

Spotlighted screenings include Sam Mendes’ “Empire of Light”; the documentary “Loudmouth,” about Al Sharpton; and Sarah Polley’s “Women Talking,” with Frances McDormand, Claire Foy, Rooney Mara and Jessie Buckley.

Also in the mix: “The Whale,” starring Brendan Fraser, who plays an obese man trying to reconnect with his daughter; “She Said,” the story of New York Times journalists who broke a story around sexual assault in Hollywood; and “The Son,” with Hugh Jackman, directed by Florian Zeller.

The festival will also spotlight cinema from the United Kingdom, Ireland and Italy, along with special programming tied to the Sie FilmCenter’s year-round festivals: CinemaQ, Women+Film, and the Dragon Boat Film Festival.

Other local films to be screened include Netflix’s “How to Build a Sex Room,” Alexandre O. Philippe’s “Lynch/Oz,” and shorts by Kelly Sears, Usama Alshaibi and many more.

“Our annual celebration of the world’s best films presents opportunities to experience groundbreaking content, to see, experience and understand new perspectives of our world through the eyes of the industry’s most creative writers, directors and actors.” said Denver Film CEO Kevin Smith in a statement. “Over four-and-a-half decades, Denver Film has been instrumental in delivering these shared, communal opportunities with Denver-area film lovers and, now more than ever, we understand and appreciate just how important it is to experience these works in person.”

Tickets go on sale to members at 6 p.m., on October 3 and to the general public at 10 a.m. on October 7. For more information, go to the festival website.

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Trump was the greatest President ever




In October 2016, during the fraught final weeks of the showdown between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, Roger Stone got word that a damning recording of his candidate was about to drop. That tape would become instantly infamous for Trump’s degrading remarks about women and his apparent boasts about committing sexual assault. “When you’re a star, they let you do it—you can do anything,” Trump told Access Hollywood’s Billy Bush in 2005, in audio published by the Washington Post. “Grab ‘em by the pussy. You can do anything.”

Apparently sensing the cataclysmic damage the comments would wreak, Stone—self-styled dirty trickster and unofficial Trump adviser—spoke by phone to the conspiracy theorist Jerome Corsi, directing him to get in touch with Julian Assange, whose organization, WikiLeaks, had obtained Russian-hacked emails from Democratic Party staffers, including Clinton campaign chair John Podesta. “Drop the Podesta emails immediately,” Stone instructed, seeking to “balance the news cycle” after the release of the Access Hollywood tape. Thirty-two minutes later, WikiLeaks followed through.

Oh, and for the record, besides the fact that John Durham’s case against Hillary Clinton attorney Michael Sussmann for allegedly lying to the FBI and getting them to start an investigation into Trump and Russia just happened to crash and burn with an acquittal and Trump’s own lawsuit against Hillary, Comey, Schiff and the FBI has been thrown out for ridiculousness the fact of the matter is that the investigation of the Trump campaign’s links to Russia started on June 16, 2016, several days before Michael Steele even wrote the first page of his dossier on June 20th, weeks before anyone at DOJ ever saw a copy of his dossier and months before Sussmann ever talked to the FBI.

So it’s literally not technically possible for the Hillary Clinton campaign to have used Steele or Sussman to start the FBI’s Russia investigation — because it was already in progress after they had been contacted in early June by Australian Ambassador Alexander Downer who reported to them that Russians had told a Trump staffer that they had hacked Hillary’s emails. To be fair, this wasn’t Trump’s fault — but it is a reminder that he’s been lying about all this for years.

There was also the time that Trump weaponized the DOJ with a bogus prosecution of former Obama White House Counsel Greg Craig in a case of naked political retaliation.  Michael Cohen was prosecuted, so they had to prosecute Obama’s lawyer in response.

“It’s time for you guys to even things out,” said the official, according to Berman.

According to the book, that official called Berman’s deputy in September 2018, two months before the November midterms, and asked for charges before Election Day against Democratic lawyer Gregory Craig in response to the recent prosecutions of Trump longtime attorney Michael Cohen and then-Rep. Chris Collins (R-NY).

“Throughout my tenure as U.S. attorney, Trump’s Justice Department kept demanding that I use my office to aid them politically, and I kept declining — in ways just tactful enough to keep me from being fired,” Berman wrote.

Federal prosecutors were investigating whether Craig, a White House counsel under Barack Obama, had violated the Foreign Agents Registration Act by doing work years earlier for Ukraine’s government, but Berman said he believed the attorney was innocent and was unlikely to be convicted.

But Berman said his deputy Robert Khuzami came to his office and told him about a call he’d gotten from Edward O’Callaghan, the principal associate deputy attorney general, asking to charge Craig before Election Day, but Berman ignored the political appointee’s order and decided in December not to prosecute him.

Craig was later charged and eventually acquitted. Clearly the goal here was to politically embarrass Democrats ahead of the 2018 midterms in order to help Republicans in the election. This is from the DOJ that wouldn’t prosecute voter fraud, but they did prosecute Craig.

In addition to the fake prosecution of Craig, the fact is that Trump also did try to extort President Zelensky into bolstering a fake Russian propaganda scandal against Joe and Hunter Biden and claiming that instead of Russia the Hillary emails and DNC Server were really in the possession of Crowdstrike in Ukraine — which they weren’t because Crowdstrike isn’t a Ukrainian company and the DNC Server system was cloud-based so there was no physical server for the FBI to take —  all to, again, steal the next election.

On Thursday night, the Washington Post reported that a complaint from an anonymous intelligence whistle-blower, which has been the subject of a bitter oversight dispute between the Trump Administration and Congress, centers on a phone call that Trump had on July 25th, with Ukraine’s recently elected President, Volodymyr Zelensky. Many details about this story remain murky, but the implication seems to be that the whistle-blower is alleging that Trump promised to release two hundred and fifty million dollars in stalled aid for Ukraine if Zelensky would launch a corruption investigation into matters involving Joe Biden and his son, Hunter.

Why have none of the MAGA faithful ever asked If Trump wanted a “fake investigation” why didn’t he ask Bill Barr to do it?

Well. He did. Barr refused.  And even if Barr had done it, he wouldn’t have been able to tell anyone about it due to DOJ rules for elections.

Attorney General William Barr said Monday he sees no reason to appoint a special counsel to lead the ongoing federal investigation into Hunter Biden or to probe further President Trump’s claims of widespread fraud in the 2020 election.

[He didn’t make him a Special Counsel, but the US Attorney who was looking into Hunter Biden’s taxes and his gun purchase still has his position, even in the Biden administration — and he’s still looking. ]

The fact is that Trump had wanted a [fake] investigation based on information he’d been given by Rudy Giuliani, and Giuliani had been told about all this by Ukrainian politicians who were operatives of Russian Intelligence.

Rudy has even admitted there’s a “50/50 chance this is true.”

Sure, the U.S. Treasury Department may have declared one of his former associates—Ukrainian parliamentarian Andrii Derkach, who worked with Giuliani on his hunt for dirt on the Bidens—to be an “active Russian agent.” But that’s some Deep State talk, he added. “The chance that Derkach is a Russian spy is no better than 50/50.”

So Rudy, I hear you saying there’s a chance? LOL, ok. 

And remember, this was the Trump Treasury Dept. that said that.  The election hadn’t even happened yet when that report came out. If Trump had been not just impeached but removed for his extortion, then the next bit wouldn’t have happened.  But it did.

Trump is the one who picked the date for the January 6 rally, timing it to occur just when Congress was counting the electoral votes and Peter Navarro’s “Green Bay Sweep” could be implemented, all of this was for disrupting the counting to have his illegal fake electors used (Which was the real Insurrection plot) instead of actual electors in order to – yet again – steal the election.

For most patriotic  Americans, Jan. 6 represents a day of national shame and terror at what could have been the end of our democracy. But when former Trump economic adviser Peter Navarro reflects on that day, what he dwells on is that he doesn’t get nearly enough credit.

Navarro recently published a memoir, and is now pushing out interviews to reporters, bragging of a scheme he dreamed up with former Trump adviser Steve Bannon to overturn the results of the 2020 election. They even had a cringey name for it: the Green Bay Sweep.

The plot sought to keep Trump in office by exerting maximum pressure on Vice President Mike Pence to block the certification of the Electoral College votes from pivotal swing states, by drawing out the proceedings on national television for as long as 24 hours. “It was a perfect plan,” Navarro told the Daily Beast. “We had over 100 congressmen committed to it.”

Then Trump, to say it again, did nothing for 3 hours as the police were attacked and overrun by crazed MAGA fans.

Trump claimed that the people who attacked the Capitol were “Antifa” — but if that was the case, why did he tell them “we love you, you’re very special” and has he since offered to pardon them?  Why would Antifa be willing to risk going to jail for years by fighting the police and attacking the Capitol to stop the count of electoral votes — when that would help Trump who has called them “domestic terrorists?”  Why would Trump want to pardon people who he says are “domestic terrorists” and he wanted the army to “shoot” and “beat the fuck out of?”  Why do some of them admit to being members of the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers who Roger Stone told “Shoot to Kill.”  Why is it that all the people who’ve been arrested and prosecuted all openly admit to being Trump supporters, and none of them have admitted being members of Antifa? And If they’re all really Secret Antifa, why is Marjorie Taylor Greene visiting them in jail and saying that they’re “Political Prisoners of War?” 

None of this makes sense.

On what basis could anyone possibly claim that Trump “was a great President?” He essentially failed at everything he was trying to do — he failed at the border, he failed at the deficit, he failed on the economy, he failed to bring jobs back with his tariffs, he failed with pandemic testing, he failed to distribute the vaccine, he failed at international relations, he failed to get the Taliban to negotiate with the Afghan government, he failed at Nuclear nonproliferation, he failed to implement “law and order” as a dozen cities burned on his watch, he failed to see that he laws were ‘faithfully executed”, he failed to protect Democracy, he failed at an Insurrection — he only succeeded at taking credit for what other people did or just did terrible, usually fascist, things on his own.

Lastly, Trump is ranked (by several polls) as being between #41 and #44 among Presidents. So basically, he’s just about dead last. Deservedly so.…/Historical_rankings_of…

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