North America
Maricopa County’s District 2 county supervisor up for grabs
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In the East Valley, a battle is underway over a Maricopa County supervisor position.
Just one seat is up for grabs in the Aug. 2 election, but the race to control conservative-leaning District 2 could disrupt the Board of Supervisors’ unified stance on election integrity and foreshadow what other supervisors may face in 2024.
Four Republicans — and no Democrats — are running to represent the vast district, which encompasses Carefree, Cave Creek, Fountain Hills, the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community and much of Scottsdale and Mesa, as well as parts of Apache Junction, Gilbert, Paradise Valley and east Phoenix.
Incumbent Tom Galvin of Phoenix, a land use attorney, is seeking to keep the spothe was appointed to last year.
Also vying for the seat are:
- Doug Little of Scottsdale, a former member of the Arizona Corporation Commission who recently spent time in Washington, DC, at the Department of Energy.
- Gail Golec of Scottsdale, a realtor who has spread election conspiracy theories and made numerous unproven allegations of widespread fraud in the 2020 presidential election.
- Thayer Verschoor of Gilbert, a former state lawmaker who was appointed to the Department of Veterans’ Affairs by former President Donald Trump. Verschoor has echoed false allegations that there was widespread fraud in Arizona during the 2020 presidential election.
Whoever wins the upcoming election will serve until January 2025.
The ghost of unfounded election allegations
Galvin was appointed to his position after former Supervisor Steve Chucri was caught on tape expressing unfounded suspicions of voter fraud and slamming his colleagues in the aftermath of the November 2020 election. Chucri later said he doesn’t believe fraud changed the outcome of the election, apologized for his comments and resigned.
At the time Galvin joined the board, it was under intense scrutiny amid the fallout of the Arizona Senate’s discredited audit of the 2020 presidential results in Maricopa County. On the same day he was appointed, Galvin made clear that he believed the county’s election was fair and would stand with his colleagues against the Senate review, a position he continues to uphold, even though he “lost friends over it.”
“There’s only five members of the board,” Galvin said. “They deserve to have five strong members, and someone who treats everyone the same, Republican, Democrat or independent.”
The specter of unsubstantiated election fraud allegations loom large over the District 2 race. Verschoor told The Arizona Republic that election integrity is “one of the main reasons” he is running for office and that he believes Trump is the rightful president of the United States.
Verschoor is calling for ballot drop boxes to be supervised, a hand count of ballots within 24 hours of an election and eliminating mail-in voting, except in limited situations to address health issues and absences.
Those proposals echo failed bills put forth in the state Legislature in January. Two, led by Sen. Wendy Rogers, R-Flagstaff, would have banned the placement of ballot drop boxes except in official election facilities and prohibited schools and cities from using mail-in ballots in their elections. Rep. Mark Finchem, R-Oro Valley, proposed a bill that would have mandated hand counts of all ballots in primary and general elections.
Finchem also filed a lawsuit with Republican gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake to ban electronic vote counting in Arizona, and the state Republican Party unsuccessfully brought a lawsuit earlier this year to eliminate mail-in voting.
None of the bills made it to Gov. Doug Ducey’s desk. Finchem’s lawsuit is ongoing.
Claims of widespread election fraud were dismissed in dozens of courtrooms in Arizona and around the country and the Senate Republican-ordered ballot review and hand recount attempted to raise questions but found no widespread fraud. The review actually found President Joe Biden won the county by a slightly larger margin.
When pressed about the lack of evidence supporting widespread fraud in the 2020 presidential election, Verschoor said “other people can believe what they want to believe.”
“I’m not really arguing on what you believe versus what I believe,” he said. “What I’m saying is that moving forward especially, these are measures … that would go a long way in restoring trust and confidence in the elections that are coming up.”
Little and Golec declined interview requests, however, both of their campaign websites list election integrity as key parts of their platforms.
Little’s site states that he “saw the abuses of the election system in 2020 in many states, including Arizona.” He supports voter identification requirements for every ballot cast and a review of current election procedures.
Arizona voters must show a form of identification when they vote in person. Mail-in ballots are verified through signed affidavits, which election workers compare to known signatures for each voter. Those who cast their ballots by mail also must provide identification and proof of residency when registering to vote.
“While we cannot turn back the clock on the 2020 election, we must do everything possible to prevent it from ever happening again,” Little’s website reads.
Golec has consistently amplified false allegations of voter fraud during the 2020 presidential election. She is active on social media and shares information via her Telegram channel and Rumble account, where she has repeated unfounded claims that the election was stolen.
Her website states that she is an “American patriot” at the “forefront of exposing and fighting for election integrity,” and pledges to “protect our sacred American vote.”
White House phone calls, baseless fraud:The origins of the Arizona election review
An array of other platform issues
Outside of election integrity, all of the candidates list supporting police and public safety as one of their main priorities.
“Violent crime is on the rise and Maricopa County is no exception,” Galvin said, adding that he has good working relationships with Maricopa County Attorney General Rachel Mitchell and Sheriff Paul Penzone.
Verschoor said public safety ties into his concerns about border security, and he wants to see more support and resources for public safety on the county level.
“I see the police under attack on the streets and I see the police under attack in the council chambers and that bothers me,” he said.
Galvin, Golec and Little also mention the importance of reliable water supply, and Little and Galvin both address economic development, pledging to create jobs and reduce taxes.
But while the rest of Galvin’s campaign focuses around issues like inflation, transportation funding and improving Highway 60, his opponents pin their platforms on protecting gun rights and limiting school instruction about race.
It’s unclear how they would have significant power to make changes in those areas as a county supervisor. Nevertheless, Little pledges to get rid of “progressive programming” in schools. Golec’s website declares that she will “restore parental rights” by ending so-called critical race theory, and Verschoor said on his website that parents should be the “primary decision makers for their children’s education.”
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Neither county supervisors or the county school superintendent have any power over school curriculums, according to Tim Sifert, a spokesperson at the Maricopa County Superintendent’s Office.
Standards for education are set by the State Board of Education, and individual school boards are responsible for setting curriculums in line with those expectations, Sifert said.
“They could pass a resolution; they could create a code,” Sifert said. “They could do something in the future. But that’s not how it’s been in the past, and I’m not an attorney, but I don’t know if the county would try to exert that kind of authority legally over school boards and its jurisdiction.”
Sifert also serves as a treasurer on Little’s campaign. The city of Phoenix has policies preventing its employees from participating in the management of campaigns for mayor and council positions, and the state of Arizona has similar restrictions for its employees around managing campaigns for state offices. But Maricopa County allows it as long as employees do not use county resources for their side work and keep campaign involvement outside of county work hours.
Sifert said employees serving on election campaigns are required to notify their departments of their work and receive authorization. He said he isn’t involved with marketing of Little’s campaign, his policy points or anything except for “the accounting side” of Little’s committee.
Verschoor has additional platform points supporting benefits and services for veterans. He also said he is a “smaller government guy” who supports auditing all the programs that the county runs and examining where he can cut taxpayer costs.
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“I believe Maricopa County government is bloated,” Verschoor said.
He and Golec maintain anti-vaccination and anti-mask stances. Both pledge to vote against any future mandates related to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
Galvin said his platform “addresses the issues the county supervisor actually has to work with and deal with.”
“I want to show the voters of Maricopa County and District 2 that I’m not going to insult their intelligence,” he said. “Someone can just grab buzzwords after watching cable news and think that’s the only way they can get votes, but I think voters understand the role that a county supervisor has.”
None of candidates directly mention housing affordability in their online platforms, a rapidly growing issue in Maricopa County. When asked about the issue, Verschoor said he doesn’t support subsidized housing and favors a free market approach to create a business-friendly environment that helps more homes be built.
Galvin said he regularly talks about housing with his constituents and in his job as a land use attorney. He supports building more housing, but doing so with the concerns of the community in mind.
“One of the things I always say is that I’m not pro-developer, I’m pro-market,” Galvin said. “But I think we need to understand that more housing needs to be built.”
When is the next Jan. 6 hearing? What to know and how to watch
Out-of-county money and ‘MyPillow’ guy endorsement
Every candidate except Little has accepted at least $1,000 in out-of-county contributions.
Little appears to be self-funding his campaign as of March 31, the end of the first reporting quarter, which are the most recent finance documents available for all of the candidates. He has put about $10,000 into his supervisor run.
Golec has the smallest campaign fund, with just over $6,000 in the bank. Individuals contributed $5,658, but nearly a third of it — just under $1,900 — flowed in from outside Maricopa County.
People contributed to Golec from Tucson and eight states besides Arizona: California, Ohio, Texas, Florida, Illinois, Massachusetts, West Virginia and Tennessee.
Galvin has the largest war chest, raising $114,350. Of that, $111,750 came from individuals, with about $6,000 coming from outside the county, including several donations from Tucson, Yuma and Sedona and $4,200 from contributors in Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Utah and Washington, DC.
Verschoor’s fund of roughly $25,000 includes a personal contribution of $10,000. He also took individual contributions totaling $14,375, with $1,350 from outside the county. That number includes a $1,000 donation from Dewey, Arizona, and several smaller out-of-state contributions from Virginia, North Carolina and Idaho.
Some candidates have racked up endorsements from non-local figures and political leaders in federal positions. Verschoor, for instance, is endorsed by Republican Congressman Andy Biggs of Arizona’s fifth congressional district, which covers a portion of District 2.
Golec touts an endorsement from Mike Lindell, the CEO of MyPillow and an adherent to the false narrative that the 2020 election was stolen from Trump. Lindell lives in Minnesota.
Golec also claims on her campaign website that she has been endorsed by Trump, however, his office has not issued any public acknowledgement of her campaign. Her website features a video that shows a brief interaction between her and Trump in May, where he makes a spontaneous comment about endorsement but never mentions Golec by name.
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For some, past controversies
Two of the candidates have previously come under fire in past political roles.
In 2014, Little faced a brutal Republican primary while running for the Arizona Corporation Commission. His campaign was supported by $3.2 million in “dark money,” much of which is widely believed to have come from the Arizona Public Service Co., the largest company regulated by the commission.
Little later voted alongside three of his colleagues to pass a rate hike that allowed the company to increase the average household bill by $6 per month.
APS has not denied its involvement in Little’s past campaign and has chosen to disclose any money spent on such elections since then.
In 2016, Verschoor shared conspiracy theories online about former President Barack Obama and anti-Muslim remarks while working for Trump’s campaign. He said the statements he shared, which were part of a list of reasons to vote for Trump, weren’t originally authored by him and that it was information that he “passed along” during the election. He also said conservatives are often “pinned” as being “phobic.”
The statements included references to a “Muslim problem in this nation” and allegations that “Obama’s birth certificate is a fraud.” While speaking with The Republic, Verschoor refused to denounce the claims.
“What I do stand by is that there is a problem with Islamic fascism, that there are people who are out there who are extremists, and that was what I was talking about,” Verschoor said.
Verschoor also refused to acknowledge that the information he spread about Obama’s birth certificate was false.
“Whether Obama is or isn’t — that issue, I think, is from the past,” Verschoor said. “I think that question has been asked and I don’t see any point in rehashing that anymore.”
Reach reporter Sasha Hupka at sasha.hupka@arizonarepublic.com. Follow her on Twitter: @SashaHupka.
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Former Uzbek Prosecutor-General Jailed For Corruption Released On Parole – Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
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Former Uzbek Prosecutor-General Jailed For Corruption Released On Parole Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
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Peel police recently celebrated a major drug bust, but is the force making a dent in the region’s complex criminal networks?
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About a year ago, police began an investigation into a drug trafficking ring operating in Peel. Over the ensuing months, the probe would uncover a sprawling, international enterprise and lead to the largest drug seizure in Peel Regional Police history.
Project Zucaritas was led by the Specialized Enforcement Bureau and resulted in the seizure of $25 million worth of illegal narcotics—including 182 kilograms of methamphetamine, 166 kilograms of cocaine, 38 kilograms of ketamine and approximately $70,000—resulting in numerous drug trafficking arrests, following 11 months of investigative work.
With support from investigative bureaus in the U.S, Peel police uncovered a scheme involving commercial businesses transporting illegal drugs across the border directly into Peel and surrounding areas of the Greater Toronto Area. Investigators identified two transfer hubs allegedly involved in the distribution process: North King Logistics, a commercial trucking company in Milton and Friends Furniture, a business located at 2835 Argentia Road in Mississauga.
Drugs were being concealed in the rear of tractor-trailers and within legitimate loads of goods, explained Detective Sgt. Earl Scott, the lead investigator.
It was a significant achievement for Peel police, and one they took time to celebrate. During a press conference on October 26, detectives stood before heaps of seized drugs packed into plastic bags, and cash piled across several tables.
“Drugs are becoming more commonplace and seizures are getting bigger,” Scott said.
The end result of an 11-month investigation by Peel Police and other law enforcement organizations.
(Peel Regional Police)
While officials say this bust will cause significant disruption to the region’s drug trafficking networks, it highlights the scale and complexity of drug trafficking within Peel and raises questions about whether Peel Police are truly prepared to deal with it.
“The reality is organized crime has no boundaries,” deputy chief Nick Milinovich said. “As invested as we are in different techniques and different processes in order to catch them, they are equally as invested in protecting their enterprises and continuing to benefit and profit from that.”
Press conferences like those for Project Zucaratis serve multiple purposes for police. They are a signal to residents of the work police are doing in the community—a visible display of the “protect and serve” mantra. It can be a pirate’s warning to other drug traffickers in Peel that officers are out there, and getting results. But these photo ops can also have the unintended consequence of skewing public perception.
Headlines and images of significant operations and large seizures can create a dark narrative of a region infested by the drug trade. But when looking at police data, this does not appear to be the case. Charges for trafficking, production and possession have been decreasing, with drug-related charges dropping from 2,631 violations in 2017 to 1,580 in 2021, according to Peel Regional Police’s five-year summary.
The most recent data detailing the variance from 2020 to 2021 showed drug violations were down 3.2 percent, from 1,633 violations in 2020 to 1,580 in 2021.
More specifically, trafficking, production and distribution related offences were down 19.2 percent between 2020 and 2021 with 490 offences in 2020 and 403 in 2021. Possession was up 1.1 percent during that same time.
Peel police’s annual report also noted that 1,101 people were charged with drug offences in 2020 and 1,086 were charged in 2021.
So with the vast majority of drug-related charges declining, how does it explain Scott’s statement that drugs are becoming “more commonplace and seizures are getting bigger”.
If police statistics indicate that drug crime is on the decline, but frontline officers and investigators are dealing with the opposite, it suggests a much scarier reality than simply a region being infected with a growing drug trade. It suggests a region being infiltrated by organized criminal networks and a police force without adequate resources and expertise to effectively fight the problem. A crime can only become a statistic if an officer is there to record it, so if the stats remain low, but senior officers acknowledge a growing trend and anecdotal proof such as headlines about drug trafficking become more common, it raises concern that Peel’s drug crime problem is getting worse.
It may not only be a lack of public safety resources contributing to the trend; the complexity of groups behind these organized crimes and the demand for their products is making it harder for law enforcement to deal with all of it.
“I think you’re always at the mercy of how sophisticated the criminals are,” Todd Moore, formerly of the Peel Police investigative unit that dealt with organized crime, told The Pointer. “Once new methods are discovered, they pivot and think of a new strategy to conceal the illicit drugs.”
One of the major factors contributing to the success of organized crime syndicates is the complexity of the organizations and how they operate, resulting in more time, effort and money to get the investigative resources and experience required to disrupt them.
Peel Regional Police Chief Nishan Duraiappah is requesting an 8.2 percent budget increase for 2023 in order to hire 70 new officers.
(Chief Nishan Duraiappah/Twitter)
Some cases, like Project Zucaritas, can take several months of investigative work to zero in on the operations of a single group, meanwhile, there could be dozens of similar criminal networks operating quietly out in the community running the same kinds of dangerous enterprises.
The number of simple possession violations declining could suggest resources are being directed toward larger groups, taking the focus away from street-level crimes involving small amounts of drugs, charges that can often be beaten, to instead address the problem at its source.
With over 30 years of experience, Moore says many of the crimes that are commonplace in the community can have their roots in organized crime. Crimes like illegal gambling and cargo theft are money-making machines to help fund bigger projects and investments, the most profitable being drug importation.
“Bad guys are always trying to stay one step ahead of investigators and trying to be creative and new methods to use,” he explained.
When it comes to enforcement in Peel, Moore says it’s not so much that there’s a lack of resources or attention being invested into the issues of drug trafficking and organized crime, but that the syndicates themselves are just becoming more complex.
“There’s a lot of money at stake to be lost,” he said. “So I think they’re very methodical on how they’re going to be successful.
“You’re buying 100 keys of cocaine for $8,000 a key, that’s $800,000,” Moore explains (a key is a kilogram). “No one wants to lose that money. So you’re pulling out all the stops to ensure that that load doesn’t go missing, because at the end of the day, somebody’s owed money, or somebody’s going to lose money.”
Kash Heed, a former chief constable of the West Vancouver Police Department and former superintendent with the Vancouver Police Department, said a crucial contributor behind why areas like Peel and the GTA are starting to see more common occurrences of larger drug seizures is because there’s such a demand for the products.
“When you have an increasing demand within our country for these particular drugs, whether it’s cocaine or methamphetamine or ecstasy or some of the other drugs, the drugs will find their way to the supply,” Heed said.
Typically, drugs enter the country by three different modes of transportation: ship, plane and ground, ground transportation being the easiest to coordinate and most popular method for organized crime syndicates.
“They will often use transportation systems that are very similar to the way we transport other goods from one country to other countries, whether it’s by land, sea or air,” Heed explains.
With ground transportation being the most popular method of drug importation and Peel known to be a major trucking hub in Canada “you’re going to get that one percent that are going to exploit the system and see where they can make money and be involved in criminality,” Moore said. “So I think that’s why when you see seizures a lot of time they are related back to Peel.”
In North America, especially Canada, organized crime groups often own their own trucking companies as a front for their criminal activities. For those who don’t, they partner with semi-legitimate trucking companies that are open to assisting with transporting drugs across the border.
“The trucks are commodities delivered stateside,” Moore explained. “Then either a corrupt trucking company or a trucking company is assigned to go pick up a trailer and many times… it could be concealed in the back of the trailer in boxes or within pallets.”
Quite often, he said, if corrupt trucking companies are involved they will have their own modified trailers with concealed compartments and unless you know what you’re looking for, it can be very difficult to find.
“Drug trafficking has been a major issue in the trucking industry, contraband has been a major issue in the trucking industry but it’s a very small percentage of the industry and the unfortunate part is that the entire industry gets painted with the same brush,” Kim Richardson, president of KRTS Transportation Specialists Inc. told The Pointer.
When looking at a drug seizure like Project Zucaritas, Moore said while it may be a temporary deterrent to these organized crime groups it’s not going to make much of a dent in the criminal activity and goings on in the drug community in Peel.
“I think a big bust like this, they might pump the brakes for a little while until the heat subsides, but it’s way too profitable for them to ever stop”.
When looking at organized crime groups, there’s often a hierarchy that takes place, Heed explained, and the people at the higher end of the operation rarely suffer any significant consequence.
“It’s disrupted a certain line,” Heed said of the recent bust. “At the end of the day, will it make a significant difference? No.
“When you have these large amounts of seizures, when you start to track the cost, you will see again, it’s the elasticity of supply and demand when there’s less supply but a higher demand, the costs usually go up.
“You’re not going to arrest your way out of this particular problem, you’re not going to seize drugs and think that that’s going to get you out of this problem,” Heed added.
“The supply will always make its way to the demand of this particular product, no matter what we try and do, no matter how many resources we employ here, no matter how much money is spent on the enforcement side of it.”
For years, Heed has advocated for a balanced approach to dealing with drug trafficking and organized crime. This approach combines enforcement with programs to lower the demand for the product, what are called upstream rather than downstream solutions, which he says is where we’re failing in Canada.
“There’s such a demand for the product, that no matter what, the supply will make its way, no matter what we try and do to block it,” he said.
As for possible strategies to try and thwart these kinds of organized crime operations, Moore said it has become a “societal problem in the sense that these groups are operating and there is a form of willful blindness,” but there’s also a ripple effect.
“These drugs are being divvied up to a multitude of different drug traffickers within Peel and in the Greater Toronto Area,” he explained. “And they’re selling to different markets, some are selling to high school kids and university kids and college and restaurants and bars, so it does affect everybody.
“It sounds easy, but it’s difficult to kind of penetrate those groups and just understand what is going on with the Peel Region.”
In Canada, Heed said people often believe the theory that if more money is spent and invested into the law enforcement side, forces are going to be able to deal with these societal problems. But that’s not the case with the nature of these organized crimes, he says.
“It has to be a balanced approach,” he reiterated. “Twenty-five million here may be a cost of doing business for someone, but it’s not going to make any difference to the drugs that are on the streets in the metro Toronto area. Not one bit of difference at all.”
Getting away with these crimes also enables syndicates to become more emboldened and with growing demand, these groups are going to expand the market in whatever way they can, often increasing the amount of drugs available in their supply chain to street-level traffickers.
“When you start to get these large quantities of drugs taken, they will have some type of disruption but not a long-term disruption in drug trafficking,” Heed explained.
He believes police aren’t going to be the ones to stop these complex networks, but that it will be the policymakers at higher levels of government.
“When you look at the balanced approach here, you’ve got to look at ways to reduce that demand, whether that’s through prevention, whether that’s through treatment, whether that’s through harm reduction, and of course, law enforcement has a role, but you’ve got to take those other main pillar approaches to dealing with the situation to hit that balance so we can start to bring down the demand for this particular product,” he emphasized.
“The supply will make its way to where the demand is, it’s just simple economics,” he added. “And they’ll take whatever risks they can to take it to get it to the market too.”
There are a lot of costs to run these projects, Moore agreed. It’s not an issue of resources, it’s that the syndicates are becoming more creative, complex and sophisticated.
“In order to dismantle and disrupt, it’s a continuous cycle,” he explained, “you have to stay up to speed on the new techniques being used by the bad guy, so it’s almost like a cat-and-mouse game.”
Moore, Heed and other policing experts have stressed that police forces need to be properly equipped to tackle complex organized drug syndicates. A question Peel’s force has faced scrutiny on.
Major crimes, for example, in South Asian communities have received significant attention. The bombing of a Mississauga restaurant, Bombay Bhel, was widely believed to be related to criminal activity, but no arrests have yet been made since the 2018 incident.
A lack of resources and expertise to focus on South Asian drug crime could hinder work to protect Peel residents.
The high profile discrimination case launched about a decade ago by now former officer B.J. Sandhu, who successfully proved systemic issues plagued Peel police, revealed a disturbing lack of concern and expertise around South Asian crime.
Testimony by now former senior officers in the human rights case included alarming information about a force that ignored increasingly significant crime in communities that now make up the vast majority of Peel. From the lack of officers who ‘speak the language’ of criminals, the inability to infiltrate and get intelligence on these organizations and the apathy toward developing officers with the cultural competency and investigative skills to address growing areas of crime, the Sandhu case painted a picture of a police force not prepared for the reality of crime in its jurisdiction.
Moore acknowledges that the nature of organized crime makes it difficult for any force to deal with.
“At the end of the day, it’s not going to go away. There’s too much money to be made.”
Peel doesn’t have a strong history of being immune to the world of drug-related organized crime. In March 2019, Peel Regional Police unleashed Project Baron – which resulted in one of the largest collections of weapons and drugs seized in the region’s history.
Nearly 30 high-power firearms (16 handguns, four shotguns, six rifles), high-capacity magazines, 1,500 rounds of ammunition, a bullet-proof vest, and nearly eight kilograms of assorted drugs, including meth, cocaine, heroin and fentanyl totaling 1.2 million worth of narcotics were obtained.
The nearly three-month investigation was led by the Peel police Vice, Narcotics and Street Level Organized Crime Bureau and culminated in six consecutive raids on locations and vehicles across Peel Region and Toronto.
Firearms and narcotics seized during Project Baron.
(Peel Regional Police)
In August of this year, Peel police also seized 90 kilograms, an estimated $12 million worth of drugs, in a recent bust resulting from a months-long investigation spanning from June 2021 labeled Project Warrior. Four people were charged in relation to the investigation.
The latest major bust in October, linked directly to trucking operations, is the latest evidence that organized drug crime in Peel, as the lead detective said, is becoming more commonplace.
Email: [email protected]
Twitter: @mcpaigepeacock
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Multiple assault arrests – Loveland Reporter-Herald
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Loveland Police Department arrests
Friday
• 10:14 a.m. In the 2500 block of West 45th Street, a 42-year-old Loveland man for investigation of third-degree assault and domestic violence.
• 10:44 a.m. In the 2500 block of West 45th Street, a 35-year-old Loveland woman for investigation of third-degree assault, criminal mischief and domestic violence.
• 8:55 p.m. In the 2100 block of West 15th Street, a 35-year-old Loveland man for investigation of third-degree assault.
• 9:15 p.m. In the 1200 block of Rossum Drive, a 39-year-old Loveland woman for investigation of possession of fentanyl, driving under the influence of drugs, driving under restraint and possession of drug paraphernalia.
Saturday
• 12:42 p.m. In the 1500 block of Second Street Southwest, a 30-year-old Loveland man for investigation of second-degree assault.
• 9:18 p.m. In the 800 block of North Cleveland Avenue, a 30-year-old Loveland man on a misdemeanor warrant.
Sunday
• 1:44 p.m. In the 5700 block of East Eisenhower Boulevard, a 29-year-old Greeley woman on a felony failure-to-appear warrant.
• 7:53 p.m. In the 1300 block of North Lincoln Avenue, a 25-year-old Fort Collins man on two misdemeanor failure-to-appear warrants.
Monday
• 5:54 a.m. At East 29th Street and North Garfield Avenue, a 37-year-old Windsor woman on a misdemeanor failure-to-appear warrant and a misdemeanor failure-to-comply warrant.
• 6:45 a.m. In the 1400 block of East 16th Street, a 37-year-old Loveland woman for investigation of harassment, resisting arrest, second-degree assault of a police officer, criminal mischief and criminal attempt to commit a class 4 felony.
• 11:35 a.m. In the 1600 block of East Eisenhower Boulevard, a 43-year-old Loveland man on a misdemeanor warrant and a felony failure-to-appear warrant.
• 5:39 p.m. In the 200 block of East 29th Street, a 31-year-old Loveland woman on a felony warrant.
• 7:03 p.m. In the 5600 block of Orchard Grove Court, a 34-year-old Fort Collins man on a felony warrant.
• 8:10 p.m. In the 1600 block of East Eisenhower Boulevard, a 47-year-old Loveland man for investigation of driving under the influence of drugs.
Tuesday
• 9:48 a.m. At the Loveland Police Department, 810 E. 10th St., a 73-year-old Loveland man on a misdemeanor failure-to-appear warrant.
• 11:02 a.m. In the 4100 block of North Garfield Avenue, a 47-year-old Loveland man on a felony warrant.
Loveland Police Department calls
Monday
• 1 p.m. Physical disturbance, 1400 block East 16th Street.
• 2 p.m. Noninjury vehicle crash, West 65th Street and North Garfield Avenue.
• 2 p.m. Vehicle trespassing, 3200 block West 22nd Street.
• 3 p.m. Vehicle trespassing, 3200 block West 22nd Street.
• 3 p.m. Vehicle trespassing, South Railroad Avenue and Fire Engine Red Street.
• 3 p.m. Burglary, 200 block East County Road 30.
• 3 p.m. Noninjury vehicle crash, 300 block East 13th Street.
• 6 p.m. Restraining order violation, 2400 block Rocky Mountain Avenue.
• 8 p.m. Physical disturbance, 600 block East Eisenhower Boulevard.
• 9 p.m. Shoplifting, Kum and Go, 1600 E. Eisenhower Blvd.
• 10 p.m. Restraining order violation, 1200 block East Sixth Street.
Tuesday
• 1 a.m. Trespassing, 2500 block Rocky Mountain Avenue.
• 6 a.m. Noninjury vehicle crash, 4700 block East Colo. 402.
• 7 a.m. Vehicle crash with injury, 14th Street Southeast and South Wilson Avenue.
• 8 a.m. Vehicle trespassing, 3000 block Marshall Ash Drive.
• 8 a.m. Hit and run, West Eisenhower Boulevard and North Taft Avenue.
• 9 a.m. Criminal mischief, 2100 block Citrine Court.
• 9 a.m. Vehicle crash with injury, 1400 block South Lincoln Avenue.
• 9 a.m. Burglary, 3100 block West Eisenhower Boulevard.
• 10 a.m. Vehicle trespassing, 2100 block Citrine Court.
• 10 a.m. Vehicle theft, 3300 block Laplata Avenue.
• 10 a.m. Trespassing, 300 block East Fifth Street.
• 10 a.m. Vehicle recovery, Loveland Police Department, 810 E. 10th St.
• 10 a.m. Vehicle trespassing, 1200 block Silver Fir Drive.
• 11 a.m. Noninjury vehicle crash, South Taft Avenue and 14th Street Southwest.
• 11 a.m. Theft, 2000 block North Boise Avenue.
• 11 a.m. Fraud, 4000 block Swan Mountain Drive.
• 11 a.m. Burglary, 1500 block Tiger Avenue.
Larimer County Sheriff’s Office arrests
Monday
• 9:10 p.m. At North U.S. 287 and County Road 8, a 38-year-old Longmont man for investigation of DUI.
Tuesday
• 12:47 p.m. At East 42nd Street and North Garfield Avenue, a 31-year-old Oklahoma woman on three warrants.
Larimer County Sheriff’s Office Berthoud calls
Monday
• 3:46 p.m. Stolen vehicle recovery, 1100 block Welch Avenue.
• 4:45 p.m. Harassment, 500 block East Michigan Avenue.
• 4:57 p.m. Vehicle trespassing, 1000 block North Berthoud Parkway.
• 7:14 p.m. Theft, 1800 block French Hill Drive.
Tuesday
• 11:36 a.m. Vehicle crash with extrication, North Berthoud Parkway and South U.S. 287.
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