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 Plague Of Micro Corruption – :::…The Tide News Online:::…

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In 2009, late President Umar Yar ‘Adua launched the rebranding campaign project for Nigeria. The project called us to move beyond the hitherto giant of Africa slogan to a brand that codifies our aspirations of ”good people, great nation”.  The branding was not about where we were as a people, but about where we could be, if only we could embrace the vision and allow it to consume us on a national scale. Sadly, this laudable vision is only alive in the realms of aspiration. Since independence, we have not had the good fortune of being led by completely honest leaders. We are not unique in this regard as corruption is a global phenomenon. However, almost 62 years after our independence, instead of building stronger institutions and providing basic public service, we have allowed corruption to become a way of life. In fact, it is estimated that between 1960 and 1999, as much as $400 billion has been lost to corruption in Nigeria; and with the current crop of politicians since our return to democracy, the amount is unimaginable.
In the past three years, Nigeria has been dropping points in the global corruption perception index (CPI) published by Transparency International (TI). According to their 2022 report, Nigeria scored only 24 points out of 100 points – ranking 154 out of 180 countries. In 2019 Nigeria scored 26 points, but dropped down to 25 in 2021, implying that corruption is on the increase in the country. According to TI, corruption is defined “as the abuse of entrusted power for private gain”. It further notes that corruption can take many forms, including the demand for money or favours by public servants in order to render services, and misuse of public money by politicians among other things. From the view of TI, we can therefore infer that there are two strands of corruption in the public sphere, namely: corruption by politicians and corruption by administrators or civil servants; as evidenced in bribery, nepotism, favouritism, over-invoicing, various forms of indiscipline, and abuse of office.
The corruption by politicians is always grand in scale, whereas the corruption by civil servants is petty, or at the micro-level. While the thievery of political big wigs denied us needed infrastructure, the leeching tendencies of public operators in government agencies, in consonance with various kinds of middlemen places a heavy burden on the citizenry.
In 2014, businessman, Arthur Eze, described Nigerian politicians as morally bankrupt and selfish. In his words, “our politicians don’t care, they are criminals and they are greedy.” It is really sad that even those we might otherwise view as saints and call honourable, are also morally bankrupt and undistinguished when observed at close quarters. These men and women, aside from using their privileged position to enrich themselves, they also steal public property.
During an interview conducted by Zakaria M.B and Button M. in 2021, a senior official of the Code of Conduct Bureau, who was a respondent,  painted a picture that aptly describes the state of corruption in Nigeria. He said, “ We are now in a situation whereby  corruption is pervasive, humongous, institutionalised to the extent that corruption is rewarded where as in many circumstances,  one is even required to be corrupt; one will not get his licence to do anything if done through the normal process. It is more difficult than if one just bribes, which means it is required. If one needs to get electric meter, it is easier if one bribes than if the normal process is followed, which means it is required. Therefore, corruption is rewarded and even required in many instances of public functions”. A while ago, someone correctly noted that “if we don’t kill corruption, corruption will kill us”. The prevalence of a culture of corruption affects everybody, including generations unborn. And the blending of corruption into our cultural fabric has sentenced us to a vicious cycle, such that there is scarcely any one who can be trusted so long as he or she is one of us. We are already at Golgotha The pervasiveness of micro corruption in Nigeria is only second to the air that we breathe; and it is one of the major drivers of unemployment, which is now around 33 per cent.  MSMEs are dying because of the activities of staff, and prospective entrepreneurs are apprehensive due to the reportage on employee theft and sabotage. The level of dishonesty and underhanded activities associated with staff at small businesses across the country is mind bugling. They shortchange customers, driving them away; this, in turn, leads to declining revenue and eventual collapse.
We are really in trouble because even domestic staff is even involved, according to a story I heard from a laundry business owner. According to him, the domestic staff of a particular customer moved his job to another laundry because he refused to connive with them to inflate the invoice of their boss. It was a rude awakening to me to know that this plague is alive in our houses. The World Economic Forum estimates that as much as 25 per cent of the cost of procurement is lost to corruption. But as Nigerians, we are aware that the figure might be as much as 100 per cent in so many cases. In fact, that is the singular reason for the elephant project phenomenon; and the result is poor or dilapidated infrastructure. But at a micro-level, it is one of the major reasons why almost every activity that supports life in Nigerians is becoming almost unaffordable.
The widespread and insidious nature of corruption is already killing Nigerians in their millions. We are the poverty capital of the world, and there is no crystal ball to see when our fortunes would change, considering the fact that the foundations of this current quagmire have long been laid. The former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, once commented that “the money stolen  through corruption every year is able to feed the world’s hungry 80 times, it denies them the right to food, and in some cases, their right to life. Corruption kills, especially when it undermines our ability to live a normal life.
Corruption is the biggest challenge we have in Nigeria, and if we do not untangle, and extricate ourselves from its deadly claws we might not survive. We can start by changing our perception of the disease. We must remember that no one accepts a disease because his neighbour has it. In the same manner, we must view corruption in the same light; we should face it with the same abhorrence we had for the COVID-19 pandemic. We could also start by asking the simple question  – what would my son say if he sees me taking or giving this bribe.
Our future is bright even now, but if we continue to allow corruption to thrive, our first-world aspirations would remain only a reflection from a distant land.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Bangladesh: Rampant Police Abuse of Rohingya Refugees

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(Bangkok) – Bangladesh’s Armed Police Battalion (APBn) is committing extortion, arbitrary arrests, and harassment of Rohingya refugees already facing violence from criminal gangs and armed groups, Human Rights Watch said today. Donor governments should press the Bangladesh authorities to investigate alleged abuses against Rohingya living in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, ensure that victims have effective remedies, and develop measures to better protect refugees.

The Armed Police Battalion took over security in the Rohingya camps in July 2020. Refugees and humanitarian workers report that safety has deteriorated under the APBn’s oversight due to increased police abuses as well as criminal activity. Some refugees allege collusion between APBn officers and armed groups and gangs operating in the camps.

“Abuses by police in the Cox’s Bazar camps have left Rohingya refugees suffering at the hands of the very forces who are supposed to protect them,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Bangladesh authorities should immediately investigate allegations of widespread extortion and wrongful detention by Armed Police Battalion officers and hold all those responsible to account.”

Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 40 Rohingya refugees in October and November 2022 and reviewed police reports, documenting more than 16 cases of serious abuse by APBn officers. These included abuses against 10 refugees who were detained on apparently fabricated grounds for trafficking yaba, a methamphetamine drug, or for violence-related offenses. Human Rights Watch and others have long documented the common practice by Bangladesh security forces of framing suspects with drugs or weapons.

Almost every case Human Rights Watch investigated involved extortion either directly by APBn officers or communicated through majhis, the camp community leaders. Police generally demanded 10,000-40,000 taka (US$100-400) to avoid arrest, and 50,000-100,000 taka ($500-1,000) for the release of a detained family member. Families often had to sell gold jewelry or borrow money for bribes or legal costs. Many worried about the harm to their reputation.

Several refugees were seemingly targeted for information they had shared online regarding APBn harassment of Rohingya. Sayed Hossein, 27, who works as a health volunteer with an international organization and as a citizen journalist, said that on July 25, 2022, at about 10 p.m., around 30 APBn officers arrived at his house, handcuffed him, and confiscated his laptop and flash drive. (Pseudonyms are used to protect the security of interviewees.) He said they told him he was being arrested for posting on social media about an APBn officer harassing innocent Rohingya. They took him to the police camp and demanded a bribe. When his family could not pay 50,000 taka ($500), the APBn officers forcibly photographed him with yaba tablets and sent him to the nearby Ukhiya police station.

“I asked them not to take any photos since it would impact my job and future,” Sayed Hossein said. “They said that because I’m Rohingya, I don’t have any future.” APBn posted the photos on their social media accounts. He was detained on drug trafficking charges and spent 41 days in jail before making bail. He said most of his fellow inmates were Rohingya.

Many of the Rohingya victims work for nongovernmental organizations or as teachers. Humanitarian organizations have raised concerns regarding the impact of APBn harassment on their staff and operations. Another health volunteer paid APBn officers 6,000 taka ($60) after they confiscated his work cellphone and downloaded photos and videos related to armed groups to frame him. “I still remember them smiling when they gave my mobile back,” he said. “In Myanmar, the security forces used to charge us money for anything, any time they wanted. Now in the camps, Bangladesh law enforcement is doing the same thing.”

The APBn officers arrested Soyedul Hoque, 57, in his betel leaf shop on November 2, 2022, and demanded 100,000 taka ($1,000) for his release. “Because we have such little income from the shop, we couldn’t pay the police anything,” his daughter said. He was charged with possession of 2,000 yaba tablets and remains in jail. Human Rights Watch interviewed a witness named on the First Information Report, a formal complaint, who knew nothing of the case or why he was listed.

The APBn crackdown has compounded fear and vulnerability among the one million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, the majority of whom fled Myanmar military atrocities in late 2017. The police abuses have escalated amid increasingly coercive restrictions on livelihoods, movement, and education in the camps, including harassment at checkpoints and closing community schools and markets.

The refugees also face threats due to the growing presence of armed groups and gangs. Bangladesh authorities should develop and carry out a rights-respecting security policy, in consultation with refugees, to protect the camp population, Human Rights Watch said. This should include providing comprehensive access to education and livelihoods to reduce illegal and dangerous economic activity.

In late October, the APBn initiated “Operation Root Out” in response to a spike in targeted killings by armed groups. The police have arrested at least 900 Rohingya since mid-2022. But refugees allege that APBn corruption has allowed criminal activity to proliferate, while Rohingya not responsible for crimes have ended up targeted in police crackdowns.

Family members of three Rohingya arrested during Operation Root Out said that the cases against their relatives were fabricated. APBn officers arrested Ali Yusuf, 23, a teacher, on October 29, claiming he had ties to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) armed group. His mother met with him at the police camp the next day.

“My son said that a number of Rohingya had been falsely arrested, accused of hoarding weapons like machetes, knives, or firearms,” she said. “He said the police had weapons and drugs in their possession and forced anyone arrested to be photographed to spread rumors about them. He told me not to pay any bribe. The majhi told me that if I paid the police money, he would be released, but I listened to my son.” In the First Information Report, reviewed by Human Rights Watch, Ali Yusuf is accused of possessing homemade weapons. His mother has not yet been able to afford the legal fees.

Several refugees said that ABPn officers beat, slapped, kicked, or otherwise assaulted them, either in detention or at checkpoints. Two were arrested when the police arrived at their homes looking for family members who were not there. Officers arrested Kamal Ahmod, 18, a teacher, on November 2 when they were looking for his father, whom they accused of being an ARSA member.

Kamal Ahmod was sent to jail when his family was unable to pay the 100,000 taka ($1,000) bribe, and later sentenced to one month in prison. “We still don’t know why my brother was sentenced to prison,” his sister said. “My mother went to prison to meet with him yesterday and saw his face was swollen from police beatings. My brother said he was tortured mercilessly.”

Mohammad Alam, 36, an activist who had assembled a list of 149 refugees allegedly abused by APBn officers, was arrested in December 2021 after police found out about the list. “I was put in a single room that looks like an APBn torture cell with equipment like sticks, rods, and electric shock materials,” he said. “They kicked me with their boots every time someone came to interrogate me.” He was released on bail in February 2022.

In some cases, refugees paid bribes that were not honored. APBn arrested a 35-year-old Rohingya man in October 2021. Though his family paid a series of bribes for his release, he remains in jail. His brother, Abul Basher, 23, was arrested on June 27, 2022, and refused to pay the 100,000 taka ($1,000) that APBn officers demanded given his brother’s experience. He paid 30,000 taka ($300) for a lesser charge, which was not upheld, and spent 70 days in jail before securing bail.

Abul Basher said the harassment and extortion has not stopped. “APBn officers keep coming to me and my family asking for bribes,” he said. “They think we are some sort of money machine. How could we pay so much money? There is no way to earn cash. There is no work. We already lost all of our gold to get my bail. We are helpless.”

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh lack recognized legal status, which puts them on a precarious footing under domestic law and makes them vulnerable to rights violations. The Bangladesh government has a responsibility under international human rights law to ensure that the rights of everyone in its jurisdiction, including refugees, are protected, and to investigate allegations of abuses by government security forces and hold those responsible to account. Restrictions on rights cannot be imposed on a discriminatory basis, including by country of origin.

The authorities should consult refugees and humanitarian groups to improve training and monitoring of APBn units operating in the camps, Human Rights Watch said. Each camp should task and train non-APBn personnel to receive complaints against police officers filed by refugees.

The 2022 Joint Response Plan for the Rohingya humanitarian crisis received less than half of the US$881 million needed for the year. Donors, including the US, United Kingdom, European Union, and Australia, should increase funding to meet the massive protection needs of the Rohingya refugee population.

“The US, UK, and other donors should support projects to promote Rohingya refugees’ safety and protection, while pressing the Bangladesh authorities to end police abuses in the camps,” Bauchner said. “Bangladesh should do what Myanmar never has – hold those responsible for abuses against Rohingya to account.”
 

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Vietnam Dismisses Two Deputy PMS Amid Corruption Probes

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(Bloomberg) — Vietnam dismissed two deputy prime ministers — the most senior officials to be relieved of duties since 2017 — amid lengthy investigations driven by a campaign to clean up corruption and protect the Communist Party’s legitimacy.

The National Assembly voted to dismiss Deputy Prime Minister Vu Duc Dam from office during a four-day special session that began today. Pham Binh Minh, who has held the position since late 2013, was also voted out.

The parliament didn’t provide reasons for the dismissals. Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh earlier today asked the National Assembly to dismiss Minh and Dam at their requests, VnExpress news website reported.

Of the 484 delegates who voted, 476 approved the dismissals and three didn’t vote, according to a tally provided by the National Assembly.

Delegates also voted to approve Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Tran Hong Ha, 59, and Tran Luu Quang, 55, head of the Haiphong provincial Communist Party, to replace Dam and Minh.

Party officials in September stepped up efforts to prod officials to resign if they have been reprimanded, disciplined and are deemed to have low competency. Party Chief Nguyen Phu Trong has also urged “timely” dismissals of officials who haven’t been effective in their roles or have committed wrongdoings.

The dismissals come as authorities aggressively tackle graft as part of a years-long campaign that has ensnared hundreds of officials and businessmen. The probes have defined Trong’s legacy as he serves a rare third five-year term.

There were signs this was coming for the two top ranking officials. Late last month the two were dismissed from the powerful party Central Committee. Minh, a former foreign minister, was also dismissed from the Politburo, which plays a leading role in the country’s governance. The dismissals came at their requests, Thanh Nien newspaper reported earlier. 

Police recently detained Dam’s assistant on alleged abuse of power amid investigations involving Viet A Technology JSC., a maker of Covid-19 test kits. Authorities in September also detained Nguyen Quang Linh, an assistant of Minh’s, and Nguyen Thanh Hai, director of the department of international relations under the government’s coordinating office, for alleged bribery tied to the organization of repatriation flights for Vietnamese abroad during the pandemic. Authorities have begun criminal proceedings against 39 individuals tied to the case.

Criminal proceedings have been initiated against 102 individuals tied to the Viet A Technology case. In June, police detained former health minister Nguyen Thanh Long, former Hanoi Mayor Chu Ngoc Anh, and a former deputy minister of science and technology for alleged ties to bribery and abuse of power in investigations involving the test kit maker.

Trong has warned that corruption could put the party’s legitimacy at risk as the public grows more intolerant of graft — echoing President Xi Jinping in neighboring, communist China. In one of the biggest cases to date, former Vietnam politburo member Dinh La Thang was sentenced in 2018 to 18 years in prison for violating state regulations.

Vietnam, a country of roughly 100 million people, also has much to gain economically if it can bolster its image as place to do business. 

During a corruption standing committee meeting on Nov. 18, Trong pointed to slow progress in handling some major graft cases and called for stronger actions to be taken, according to his speech posted on the government’s website.  

Authorities last year initiated criminal investigations of at least 4,646 individuals in about 2,474 cases for alleged violations tied to corruption, abuse of power and economic wrongdoings. Since early 2021, the Politburo and the party have disciplined at least 67 officials under the management of the Politburo and the Secretariat, including 5 ministers and former ministers, 13 provincial chairs and former chairs and 20 lower level officers.

In April of this year, police detained Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister To Anh Dung over alleged bribery while he organized repatriation flights for Vietnamese abroad during the pandemic.

–With assistance from Philip J. Heijmans.

(Updates the story with new deputy prime ministers in the fifth paragraph.)

©2023 Bloomberg L.P.



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Peru roadblocks resume as president urges ‘peace, calm, unity’ | Protests News

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Protests reignite in Peru after holiday pause, with many demonstrators demanding removal of new President Dina Boluarte.

Anti-government demonstrations and roadblocks have resumed in Peru after a two-week pause as the South American nation continues to reel from last month’s impeachment, arrest and detention of former President Pedro Castillo.

Peruvian protesters on Wednesday used stones and burning tyres to barricade main routes in the southern regions of Puno, Cusco, Apurimac and Arequipa, as well as in Junin, a department in the centre of the country.

The crowds chanted for the removal of President Dina Boluarte, who took over on December 7 after the country’s opposition-held Congress overwhelmingly voted to remove Castillo.

Castillo, a former rural school teacher and union leader who took office in July 2021, was impeached after he tried to dissolve the legislature and rule by decree – a move widely condemned as an attempted coup.

He was arrested shortly after the impeachment vote and has been ordered to remain in pretrial detention for 18 months on charges of rebellion and conspiracy, which Castillo has denied.

The left-wing leader’s removal followed months of escalating tensions with Peru’s Congress over allegations of corruption. It spurred demonstrations across the country, particularly in rural regions where Castillo garners much of his support.

In addition to Boluarte’s removal, the protesters also are demanding the closure of Congress — which has a high disapproval rate — along with changes to the Constitution and Castillo’s release from prison.

The new government has agreed to bring forward elections set for 2026 to April next year — another key demand of the demonstrators — but many want the vote to happen even sooner.

While the demonstrations died down over the holiday period, representatives of civil groups and unions from 10 historically left-wing regions in southern Peru announced their resumption on Wednesday.

“There are 10 blockades, mainly around Puno,” government spokesman Alberto Otarola told reporters in the capital, Lima, where a crisis centre was set up.

As a precaution, train services between the town of Cusco and the Machu Picchu historical site were suspended indefinitely on Tuesday. Some 2,000 were tourists escorted from the tourist destination. During the first wave of protests, thousands were stranded in the area after transportation was disrupted.

Soldiers and police stand guard at an airport in Peru
Soldiers and police stand guard inside an airport to keep protesters out in Arequipa, Peru, on January 4, 2023 [Jose Sotomayor/AP Photo]

In mid-December, Boluarte’s administration declared a 30-day, nationwide state of emergency, suspending certain civil liberties and authorising the police and military to be deployed in a bid to stop the demonstrations.

Television footage on Wednesday showed police and the army guarding the headquarters of public institutions in areas where protests were announced, including Ayacucho, which has been a centre of the recent unrest.

In a speech from Lima, Boluarte again called for a return to calm.

She blamed the protests for “delays, pain, economic losses” and urged “peace, calm, unity to promote development of the homeland”.

But in the mountainous Apurimac region, protest leader Milan Knezvich said the struggle will continue. “No one will want to talk to her. As long as Mrs Dina Boluarte does not resign, this will continue,” he told Exitosa radio.

On Tuesday, thousands of people marched in Lima and elsewhere demanding “peace and tranquillity”. The country’s human rights ombudsman has said 22 people were killed in protest-related clashes and more than 600 were injured so far.

People march during a rally for peace in Lima, Peru
People walk during a march asking for peace, in Lima, January 3, 2023 [Sebastian Castaneda/Reuters]

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