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New York City police union boss targeted by feds for corruption was longtime ‘thorn’ in City Hall’s side

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Word of Ed Mullins’ sudden resignation as head of one of New York City’s powerful police unions was still circulating through the city when Mayor Bill de Blasio fired off a bitter parting shot.

“Ed Mullins dishonored his uniform, his city and his union more times than I can count,” de Blasio tweeted just after Mullins resigned Tuesday as head of the Sergeants Benevolent Association amid a federal corruption investigation. “It was just a matter of time before his endless hatred would catch up with him. That day has come.”

That de Blasio would publicly kick Mullins while he was down speaks volumes about the fraught relationship the mayor had with the outspoken and polarizing leader of a union that represents 13,000 active and retired New York City police sergeants and controls a $264 million retirement fund.

But de Blasio is not the only New York City leader who had problems with Mullins.

During the 20 or so years that Mullins headed the SBA, he managed to antagonize de Blasio’s predecessors, as well as New York City Police Department leadership, with his strident opposition to almost any police reform, as well as his bare-knuckle and very personal public attacks on city leaders and other critics.

“He has been a thorn in the side of four commissioners,” William Bratton, who served as the police commissioner under de Blasio and former Mayor Rudy Giuliani, told New York Magazine last year. “He has always been a pain in the ass.”

Using the union’s Twitter account, Mullins ripped de Blasio’s daughter as a “rioting anarchist” after she was arrested last year for taking part in a protest against police violence following the killing of George Floyd while in the custody of Minneapolis police. He also called former New York City Health Commissioner Dr. Oxiris Barbot a “bitch” with “blood on her hands” after she allegedly argued with NYPD leadership over mask distribution early on in the pandemic.

“Ed Mullins is essentially the Donald Trump of New York City politics,” U.S. Rep. Ritchie Torres, D-N.Y., who was born and raised in the Bronx borough, told MSNBC’s Chris Hayes the same day Mullins stepped down.

Mullins had called Torres a “first class whore” in a since-deleted tweet last year after the lawmaker called for an investigation into an alleged police work slowdown.

Torres, who is gay, denounced Mullins’ tweet as homophobic.

“He has a long-standing pattern of embracing conspiracy theories, trafficking in racism and sexism and homophobia,” Torres said of Mullins. “He’s done it with impunity.”

In a subsequent statement, Torres’ spokesperson, Raymond Rodriguez, said Mullins “has a long history of bigotry that permeated the entire union he led.”

“For the most part, the law enforcement unions oppose any sort of oversight or accountability measures. That’s the way they operate.”

But Stephen Nasta, a retired NYPD inspector who now lectures at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City and has met Mullins several times, said the ex-union boss is no bigot. He recalled how Mullins made a point of reaching out to Black ministers as part of a crime-fighting effort.

“I don’t buy that he’s not for minorities,” Nasta said. “He’s for helping crime victims whatever color they are.”

Former NYPD Commissioner James O’Neill called Mullins a “keyboard gangster” after the union boss ripped him in 2018 for not cracking down hard on people who had been dousing police officers with water and tweeted “O’KNEEL must go!”

The SBA head also said then-Chief of Department Terence Monahan should “consider another profession.”

Image: Ed Mullins (Luiz C. Ribeiro / New York Daily News/TNS via Getty Images file)

Image: Ed Mullins (Luiz C. Ribeiro / New York Daily News/TNS via Getty Images file)

When he wasn’t lashing out over the internet, Mullins used his frequent appearances on conservative news outlets such as Fox News and Newsmax to attack city leaders.

During a July 2020 interview with Fox News’ Neil Cavuto, a mug with the imagery of QAnon, the Trump-supporting group that has spread dozens of bogus conspiracies, including some that have resulted in violence, could be seen in the background.

Mullins was also a frequent guest on right-wing radio and in 2019, he upset the family of Tessa Majors, a Barnard College student who was slain, by suggesting — with no evidence — that she was in Morningside Park to buy marijuana when she was killed.

Investigators later determined Majors had been fatally stabbed during an attempted robbery. Mullins later apologized and insisted his comments “were taken out context.”

Mullins resigned from the union just hours after the FBI raided the SBA headquarters in lower Manhattan and his home in Port Washington, Long Island, on Tuesday as part of the federal corruption investigation. He did not respond to NBC News’ email seeking comment about the developments or his leadership of the fifth biggest police union in the country.

“Ed will not be making any statements,” SBA lawyer Andrew Quinn said in an email.

The SBA’s bylaws require Mullins to continue working as a police sergeant and he was paid $133,195 by the city last year, though his full-time job was running the SBA, which pays him an additional salary. The union paid Mullins $88,757 in 2019, according to the SBA’s most recent paperwork, which listed him as a trustee.

He has been placed on modified duty and stripped of his badge and gun while the FBI and the public corruption unit of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York investigate.

Federal investigators have not provided any details about the investigation. But in a statement confirming that Mullins was stepping down, the SBA said that “it is clear that President Mullins is apparently the target of a federal investigation.”

Mullins was able to keep a tight grip on the SBA because under his leadership, the union successfully negotiated contracts with the city that resulted in 40 percent wage increases.

He is also in the midst of an NYPD disciplinary proceeding for violating departmental guidelines by tweeting out Chiara de Blasio’s mugshot and personal details after she was arrested in May 2020.

The son of a longshoreman and a stay-at-home mom, Mullins and his three siblings were raised in Greenwich Village and he joined the NYPD in 1982, according to his official biography.

He was elected president of the SBA in 2002. And, along with Police Benevolent Association President Patrick Lynch, whose organization represents about 24,000 of the NYPD’s 36,000 officers, they became the public faces of police opposition to reform of the department by City Hall.

They were also outspoken supporters of Trump, with both unions endorsing him in the 2020 presidential election.

Mullins staked out “a reactionary position” on social media, said Wilbur Chapman, who was the NYPD’s deputy commissioner of training when he retired in 2011.

“There is a lot of tribalism occurring in society right now and the police department is a reflection of society,” he said. “When I was coming up, there wasn’t the same political activism you see now in policing. People had their political opinions, but they kept them to themselves.”

Chapman said Mullins first landed on his radar when he noticed that the SBA’s first vice-president was attending sergeant promotion ceremonies instead of him.

It is customary for the heads of the police unions to attend these kinds of ceremonies, Chapman said, but from 2007 to 2011, Mullins was often a no-show “because of his differences with then-Police Commissioner (Ray) Kelly.”

“He was conspicuously missing,” Chapman said.




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4 Ex-Navy Officers Convicted in Corruption Scandal

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Four of five former U.S. Navy officers standing trial as part of the “Fat Leonard” corruption scandal were convicted of fraud, bribery, and conspiracy on Wednesday. They were the last defendants out of 34 people to be charged with taking illicit incentives from Malaysian defense contractor Leonard Francis. Prosecutors said they were lavished with prostitutes, Cuban cigars, and free hotel stays by Francis. In 2015, Francis admitted offering $500,000 worth of bribes to American Navy officers in exchange for classified information, or even rerouting military ships to ports that brought in a lot of cash for his vessel servicing company. Francis overcharged the U.S. military by $35 million, prosecutors say. He is set to be sentenced in July. Former Capts. David Newland, James Dolan and David Lausmen, along with former Cmdr. Mario Herrera were convicted this week, while no verdict was reached by the jury on charges against former Rear Adm. Bruce Loveless.

Read it at Associated Press


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Hope and despair: Kathy Gannon on 35 years in Afghanistan

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KABUL, Afghanistan — The Afghan policeman opened fire on us with his AK-47, emptying 26 bullets into the back of the car. Seven slammed into me, and at least as many into my colleague, Associated Press photographer Anja Niedringhaus. She died at my side.

Anja weighed heavy against my shoulder. I tried to look at her but I couldn’t move. I looked down; all I could see was what looked like a stump where my left hand had been. I could barely whisper, “Please help us.”

Our driver raced us to a small local hospital in Khost, siren on. I tried to stay calm, thinking over and over: “Don’t be afraid. Don’t die afraid. Just breathe.”

At the hospital, Dr. Abdul Majid Mangal said he would have to operate and tried to reassure me. His words are forever etched in my heart: “Please know your life is as important to me as it is to you.”

Much later, as I recovered in New York during a process that would turn out to eventually require 18 operations, an Afghan friend called from Kabul. He wanted to apologize for the shooting on behalf of all Afghans.

I said the shooter didn’t represent a nation, a people. My mind returned to Dr. Mangal – for me, it was him who represented Afghanistan and Afghans.

I have reported on Afghanistan for the AP for the past 35 years, during an extraordinary series of events and regime changes that have rocked the world. Through it all, the kindness and resilience of ordinary Afghans has shone through – which is also what has made it so painful to watch the slow erosion of their hope.

I have always been amazed at how Afghans stubbornly hung on to hope against all odds, greeting each of several new regimes with optimism. But by 2018, a Gallup poll showed that the fraction of people in Afghanistan with hope in the future was the lowest ever recorded anywhere.

It didn’t have to be this way.

———

I arrived in Afghanistan in 1986, in the middle of the Cold War. It seems a lifetime ago. It is.

Then, the enemy attacking Afghanistan was the communist former Soviet Union, dubbed godless by United States President Ronald Reagan. The defenders were the U.S.-backed religious mujahedeen, defined as those who engage in holy war, championed by Reagan as freedom fighters.

Reagan even welcomed some mujahedeen leaders to the White House. Among his guests was Jalaluddin Haqqani, the father of the current leader of the Haqqani network, who in today’s world is a declared terrorist.

At that time, the God versus communism message was strong. The University of Nebraska even crafted an anti-communist curriculum to teach English to the millions of Afghan refugees living in camps in neighboring Pakistan. The university made the alphabet simple: J was for Jihad or holy war against the communists; K was for the Kalashnikov guns used in jihad, and I was for Infidel, which described the communists themselves.

There was even a math program. The questions went something like: If there were 10 communists and you killed five, how many would you have left?

When I covered the mujahedeen, I spent a lot of time and effort on being stronger, walking longer, climbing harder and faster. At one point, I ran out of a dirty mud hut with them and hid under a nearby cluster of trees. Just minutes later, Russian helicopter gunships flew low, strafed the trees and all but destroyed the hut.

The Russians withdrew in 1989 without a win. In 1992, the mujahedeen took power.

Ordinary Afghans hoped fervently that the victory of the mujahedeen would mean the end of war. They also to some degree welcomed a religious ideology that was more in line with their largely conservative country than communism.

But it wasn’t long before the mujahedeen turned their guns on each other.

The fighting was brutal, with the mujahedeen pounding the capital, Kabul, from the hills. Thrice the AP lost its equipment to thieving warlords, only to be returned after negotiations with the top warlord. One day I counted as many as 200 incoming and outgoing rockets inside of minutes.

The bloodletting of the mujahedeen-cum government ministers-cum warlords killed upward of 50,000 people. I saw a 5-year-old girl killed by a rocket as she stepped out of her house. Children by the scores lost limbs to booby traps placed by mujahedeen as they departed neighborhoods.

I stayed on the front line with a woman and her two small children in the Macroyan housing complex during the heaviest rocketing. Her husband, a former communist government employee, had fled, and she lived by making and selling bread each day with her children.

She opened her home to me even though she had so little. All night we stayed in the one room without windows. She asked me if I would take her son to Pakistan the next day, but in the end could not bear to see him go.

Only months after my visit, they were killed by warlords who wanted their apartment.

———

Despite the chaos of the time, Afghans still had hope.

In the waning days of the warring mujahedeen’s rule, I attended a wedding in Kabul where both the wedding party and guests were coiffed and downright glamorous. When asked how she managed to look so good with so little amid the relentless rocketing, one young woman replied brightly, “We’re not dead yet!”

The wedding was delayed twice because of rockets.

The Taliban had by then emerged. They were former mujahedeen and often Islamic clerics who had returned to their villages and their religious schools after 1992. They came together in response to the relentless killing and thieving of their former comrades-in-arms.

By mid-1996, the Taliban were on Kabul’s doorstep, with their promise of burqas for women and beards for men. Yet Afghans welcomed them. They hoped the Taliban would at least bring peace.

When asked about the repressive restrictions of the Taliban, one woman who had worked for an international charity said: “If I know there is peace and my child will be alive, I will wear the burqa.”

Peace did indeed come to Afghanistan, at least of sorts. Afghans could leave their doors unlocked without fear of being robbed. The country was disarmed, and travel anywhere in Afghanistan at any time of the day or night was safe.

But Afghans soon began to see their peace as a prison. The Taliban’s rule was repressive. Public punishments such as chopping off hands and rules that denied girls school and women work brought global sanctions and isolation. Afghans got poorer.

The Taliban leader at the time was the reclusive Mullah Mohammad Omar, rumored to have removed his own eye after being wounded in a battle against invading Soviet soldiers. As international sanctions crippled Afghanistan, Omar got closer to al-Qaida, until eventually the terrorist group became the Taliban’s only source of income.

By 2001, al-Qaida’s influence was complete. Despite a pledge from Omar to safeguard them, Afghanistan’s ancient statues of Buddha were destroyed, in an order reportedly from Osama bin Laden himself.

Then came the seismic shock of 9/11.

Many Afghans mourned the American deaths so far away. Few even knew who bin Laden was. But the country was now squarely a target in the eyes of the United States. Amir Shah, AP’s longtime correspondent, summed up what most Afghans were thinking at the time: “America will set Afghanistan on fire.”

And it did.

After 9/11, the Taliban threw all foreigners out of Afghanistan, including me. The U.S.-led coalition assault began on Oct. 7, 2001.

By Oct. 23, I was back in Kabul, the only Western journalist to see the last weeks of Taliban rule. The powerful B-52 bombers of the U.S. pounded the hills and even landed in the city.

On Nov. 12 that year, a 2,000-pound bomb landed on a house near the AP office. It threw me across the room and blew out window and door frames. Glass shattered and sprayed everywhere.

By sunrise the next day, the Taliban were gone from Kabul.

———

Afghanistan’s next set of rulers marched into the city, brought by the powerful military might of the U.S.-led coalition.

The mujahedeen were back.

The U.S. and U.N. returned them to power even though some among them had brought bin Laden from Sudan to Afghanistan in 1996, promising him a safe haven. The hope of Afghans went through the roof, because they believed the powerful U.S. would help them keep the mujahedeen in check.

With more than 40 countries involved in their homeland, they believed peace and prosperity this time was most certainly theirs. Foreigners were welcome everywhere.

Some Afghans worried about the returning mujahedeen, remembering the corruption and fighting when they last were in power. But America’s representative at the time, Zalmay Khalilzad, told me that the mujahedeen had been warned against returning to their old ways.

Yet worrying signs began to emerge. The revenge killings began, and the U.S.-led coalition sometimes participated without knowing the details. The mujahedeen would falsely identify enemies – even those who had worked with the U.S. before – as belonging to al-Qaida or to the Taliban.

One such mistake happened early in December 2001 when a convoy was on its way to meet the new President Hamid Karzai. The U.S.-led coalition bombed it because they were told the convoy bore fighters from the Taliban and al-Qaida. They turned out to be tribal elders.

Secret prisons emerged. Hundreds of Afghan men disappeared. Families became desperate.

Resentment soared especially among the ethnic Pashtuns, who had been the backbone of the Taliban. One former Taliban member proudly displayed his new Afghan identity card and wanted to start a water project in his village. But corrupt government officials extorted him for his money, and he returned to the Taliban.

A deputy police chief in southern Zabul province told me of 2,000 young Pashtun men, some former Taliban, who wanted to join the new government’s Afghan National Army. But they were mocked for their ethnicity, and eventually all but four went to the mountains and joined the Taliban.

In the meantime, corruption seemed to reach epic proportions, with suitcases of money, often from the CIA, handed off to Washington’s Afghan allies. Yet schools were built, roads were reconstructed and a new generation of Afghans, at least in the cities, grew up with freedoms their parents had not known and in many cases looked on with suspicion.

Then came the shooting in 2014 that would change my life.

It began as most days do in Afghanistan: Up before 6 a.m. This day we were waiting for a convoy of Afghan police and military to leave the eastern city of Khost for a remote region to distribute the last of the ballot boxes for Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential elections.

After 30 minutes navigating past blown-out bridges and craters that pockmarked the road, we arrived at a large police compound. For more than an hour, Anja and I talked with and photographed about a dozen police officials.

We finished our work just as a light drizzle began. We got into the car and waited to leave for a nearby village. That’s when the shooting happened.

It was two years before I was able to return to work and to Afghanistan.

———

By that point, the disappointment and disenchantment with America’s longest war had already set in. Despite the U.S. spending over $148 billion on development alone over 20 years, the percentage of Afghans barely surviving at the poverty level was increasing yearly.

In 2019, Pakistan began accepting visa applications at its consulate in eastern Afghanistan. People were so desperate to leave that nine died in a stampede.

In 2020, the U.S. and the Taliban signed a deal for troops to withdraw within 18 months. The U.S. and NATO began to evacuate their staff, closing down embassies and offering those who worked for them asylum.

The mass closure of embassies was baffling to me because the Taliban had made no threats, and it sparked panic in Kabul. It was the sudden and secret departure of President Ashraf Ghani that finally brought the Taliban back into the city on Aug. 15, 2021.

Their swift entry came as a surprise, along with the thorough collapse of the neglected Afghan army, beset by deep corruption. The Taliban’s rapid march toward Kabul fed a rush toward the airport.

For many in the Afghan capital, the only hope left lay in getting out.

Fida Mohammad, a 24-year-old dentist, was desperate to leave for the U.S. so he could earn enough money to repay his father’s debt of $13,000 for his elaborate marriage. He clung to the wheels of the departing US C-17 aircraft on Aug. 16 and died.

Zaki Anwari, a 17-year-old footballer, ran to get on the plane. He dreamed only of football, and believed his dream could not come true in Afghanistan. He was run over by the C-17.

Now the future in Afghanistan is even more uncertain. Scores of people line up outside the banks to try to get their money out. Hospitals are short of medicine. The Taliban hardliners seem to have the upper hand, at least in the short term.

Afghans are left to face the fact that the entire world came to their country in 2001 and spent billions, and still couldn’t bring them prosperity or even the beginnings of prosperity. That alone has deeply eroded hope for the future.

I leave Afghanistan with mixed feelings, sad to see how its hope has been destroyed but still deeply moved by its 38 million people. The Afghans I met sincerely loved their country, even if it is now led by elderly men driven by tribal traditions offensive to a world that I am not sure ever really understood Afghanistan.

Most certainly, though, I will be back.


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Pritzker says balanced budget, ‘big things’ remain priority ahead of second term

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Inflation, crime, pandemic response, abortion rights and Donald Trump are all set to be major issues in the 2022 race for Illinois governor, if the winning candidates’ election night speeches are any guide.

“(Gov. JB) Pritzker doesn’t understand how skyrocketing gas prices and soaring food prices make everyday life harder for Illinois families like you and I,” Darren Bailey, the Republican nominee for governor, said in an election night victory speech.

A farmer and state senator from downstate Xenia who acknowledged to the Chicago Sun-Times this week that he is a millionaire, Bailey received the endorsement of former President Donald Trump and coasted to an election night victory with 57 percent of the vote, compared to about 15 percent for each of the next two closest competitors.

“He doesn’t understand how his and Joe Biden’s extreme national agenda helps fuel inflation and increases utility bills for families like us across Illinois,” Bailey added of the governor. “He doesn’t understand the damage that his lockdowns did to small businesses, schools, mental health and working families all across this state. He doesn’t understand that his war on police has fueled the war on our streets, making our neighborhoods dangerous all across this state.”

Bailey also said in his speech that he entered politics because he was displeased with his local representatives’ votes to end a historic two-year budget impasse in 2017 by raising the income tax rate to 4.95 percent, a level slightly lower than it was when the impasse began two years prior.

The income tax vote was part of the budget package that saw Democrats and Republicans come together to override the veto of former Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner.

Pritzker, meanwhile, considers it part of his first-term legacy that Illinois has left the politics of the impasse behind it and taken strides to balance the budget each year and pay down old debt.

The governor sat for an interview with Capitol News Illinois Thursday amid a two-day blitz in which he spoke with political reporters from across the state.

He said fiscal prudence – along with pandemic-era revenue spikes that were seen nationwide for many reasons – allowed him and lawmakers to pass $1.8 billion in tax relief this budget year, some of which took effect July 1.

It included a one-year suspension of the 1 percent grocery tax, a six-month delay on a 2-cent motor fuel tax hike, a 10-day partial sales tax holiday on back-to-school items from Aug. 5-14, a permanent expansion of the earned income tax credit, an additional $300 in property tax credit, and direct payments to Illinoisans at $50 per person and $100 per dependent child.

“Those are all things that we Democrats did and were able to do because Democrats balanced the budget, Democrats eliminated the bill backlog, Democrats got the credit upgrades for the state,” he said, referring to double upgrades the state has received from the three New York bond rating agencies in the past year.

“You can’t do any of those items of tax relief if you don’t have the dollars to do it,” he added. “And we had surpluses and what did we do? We provided relief to working family. And we’re gonna look to do that going forward. I might add, if you keep on the path that Democrats have set, that I’ve set, balancing budgets and having surpluses, we can do much more.”

He said he’s hopeful to continue balancing the books even though the state expects revenues to slow as pandemic-driven spikes normalize.

Pritzker touted the state’s use of unexpected revenues for one-time purposes, such as putting $1 billion in the budget stabilization fund, funding pensions $500 million above what is required in law and paying down old health insurance bills amounting to about $900 million.

He also noted the state has, under his watch, increased investments in the Illinois State Police, crime labs, expressway cameras, and youth violence intervention programs.

The one-term incumbent who unseated Rauner with a 16-point victory in 2018 also touched on his spending in the Republican primary in recent months.

While he spent money through his own campaign committee, the Democratic Party of Illinois and the Democratic Governors Association to knock Bailey’s chief primary rival, Aurora Mayor Richard Irvin, he downplayed the role his money played in that election.

Irvin’s camp has pegged the combined spending of those entities in the GOP primary at roughly $36 million.

“My message is a general election message against all of the Republicans,” he said. “You know, we had messages about the candidate who was talking about corruption in Illinois, when he himself was involved in corruption. We had messages about the candidate who is truly extreme on every issue, including choice. And, you know, we’re fighting the Republicans, this is about Democrats beating Republicans.”

In the coming days, Pritzker said he will call lawmakers back to Springfield for a special session to secure abortion rights, which could include increasing the number of medical professionals who can perform abortions. It will not include providing state aid for people traveling to Illinois to receive an abortion, he said.

In terms of a second-term agenda, Pritzker said continuing the fiscal practices of his first term, as well as increasing subsidies for education and child care are among his priorities.

“But I think that looking back at my first term in office, gives you an idea that we’re gonna get more big things done, and they’re going to be about lifting up working families,” he said.

You can listen to the full episode of Capitol Cast here.

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service covering state government that is distributed to more than 400 newspapers statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.




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